Antiquities — Book 14

Josephus · a new plain-English translation from the Greek

How, after the death of Alexandra, her younger son Aristobulus made war on his brother Hyrcanus for the throne, defeated him, and drove him back into the fortress at Jerusalem; how, when they then met and came to terms, they agreed that Aristobulus should be king and Hyrcanus should live as a private citizen. Concerning Antipater and his family, and how, from a small and ordinary beginning, he rose, together with his sons, to splendor, reputation, and great power; and how, when Antipater persuaded Hyrcanus to flee Jerusalem for Aretas, king of the Arabs, he went and begged Aretas to restore him to the kingdom, promising him much land and money in return.

How Aretas, having taken in Hyrcanus, marched against Aristobulus, joined battle, defeated him, and pursued him to Jerusalem, where he encamped his army and besieged the city. How, when Pompey sent Scaurus from Armenia into Syria, envoys came to Scaurus from both Hyrcanus and Aristobulus asking for his alliance. How Scaurus, bribed with four hundred talents, sided with Aristobulus. How Hyrcanus and Aristobulus pleaded their case for the kingdom before Pompey. How, when Pompey came from Armenia to Damascus, Aristobulus and Hyrcanus

came before him to plead their case for the kingdom; how Pompey put off deciding the charges they brought against each other until he should reach their own country; and how Aristobulus, sensing what Pompey intended, withdrew into Judea, and how, when Pompey grew angry and marched against him to Alexandreion, Aristobulus retreated into that fortress, which was strong and hard to take by force. How Pompey, seeing this, resorted to a stratagem

and persuaded Aristobulus to leave the fortress and come down to him, on the understanding that he would confirm his rule; and how Aristobulus, won over by this and after pleading his case many times before his brother, was forced to write with his own hand to the garrison commanders, ordering them to hand the fortresses over to Pompey. How Aristobulus, having done this out of fear and then growing bitter at obtaining none of what he had expected from Pompey, withdrew to Jerusalem.

How, when Pompey pursued close on his heels with his army, Aristobulus changed his mind, came out as far as Jericho to meet him, begged pardon for his offenses, and promised to hand over the city and its treasures; and how, when Pompey sent Gabinius with a picked force to take possession of the city and the money, the people of Jerusalem, seeing Aristobulus held under guard, shut

the gates against the Romans. How Pompey, provoked by this, put Aristobulus in chains, brought up his forces, and besieged the city; how the partisans of Hyrcanus admitted him into the upper city, while the partisans of Aristobulus fled into the temple; and how Pompey took the temple and the lower city by storm in the third month of the siege.

Concerning his moderation and reverence for God, in that he laid hands on none of the great treasures within the temple. How, having accomplished all this, made Judea tributary, and appointed Hyrcanus ethnarch, he led Aristobulus off in chains to Rome together with his family, and left Scaurus behind as governor of Syria. How, when Scaurus campaigned against Petra, the royal seat of the

Arabs, and besieged it, and his soldiers fell into want, Antipater persuaded the Arab king to make an alliance with Scaurus by giving him three hundred talents. How Alexander, son of Aristobulus, having fled from Pompey and come into Judea and gathered a large force, made war on Hyrcanus and Antipater. How, defeated in battle by Gabinius and shut up in the fortress of Alexandreion, he was besieged there.

How Gabinius, when Alexander's mother persuaded him to hand over both her son and the fortress, let Alexander go, and also wrote to the Senate that Alexander's brothers, who were held prisoner along with their father Aristobulus, should be released and sent to their mother, pointing out her loyalty to Rome and that she deserved this favor. How afterward,

when Aristobulus fled from Rome into Judea, Gabinius took him and sent him back once more as a prisoner to Rome. Crassus's advance into Judea in the course of his campaign against the Parthians, and his plundering of the temple treasures. Pompey's flight to Epirus, and the arrival of Scipio, sent by him into Syria with orders to kill Alexander. How Caesar, having released Aristobulus, was ready to send him

into Judea with two legions, but Aristobulus was destroyed beforehand by poison, at the hands of Pompey's partisans. Caesar's campaign into Egypt, and how Hyrcanus and Antipater fought at his side and brought the Jews in as his allies. Antipater's eager and distinguished conduct in the battle, and the friendship with Caesar it earned him; and how Caesar, rejoicing in the victory, honored Hyrcanus

greatly, allowing him to rebuild the walls of his homeland, and entrusted the administration of Judea to Antipater. Caesar's letters and the Senate's decrees concerning friendship with the Jews. How Antipater assigned to his sons — to Herod the charge of Galilee, to Phasael that of Jerusalem. How Caesar's governor in Syria, Sextus, bribed by Herod, made Herod great and renowned,

appointing him ruler of Coele-Syria. How Cassius, after Caesar's death, went up into Judea, ravaged the country, and exacted eight hundred talents from its people, and how Herod, through his zeal in collecting the money, won Cassius's favor. The death of Malichus, who had stirred up faction against Herod, on Cassius's order. The killing of the envoys from Judea by Antony after his victory in Macedonia,

once he had come to Syria and grown angry at the charges brought against Herod — charges he in fact dismissed because Herod won him over with money. The Parthian invasion of Syria, in the course of which they restored Antigonus, son of Aristobulus, to the throne, and took Hyrcanus and Phasael, Herod's brother, captive. How Herod, fleeing from there to Italy, reached Rome, and, on appealing to Antony

and promising him much money, was declared king of Judea by the Senate and by Caesar. Herod's voyage afterward from Rome to Judea, and his battle against Antigonus with a Roman force under the command of Silo at his side. How, after Silo besieged Jerusalem, Antigonus was destroyed by Sosius and Herod. This book covers a period of thirty-two years.

Now that the events concerning Queen Alexandra and her death have been set out by us in the previous book, we shall now relate what follows on from them and connects with them, with no other aim than to leave nothing of these matters out, whether through ignorance or through weariness of memory. For history, and the disclosure of matters unknown to most people because of their antiquity, must indeed

offer its readers whatever beauty of expression it possesses — so far as that consists in the choice of words, their harmony, and whatever else lends adornment to the account — so that they may take in the knowledge with a certain grace and pleasure; but above all, writers must aim at accuracy, and give greater weight to telling the truth than to anything else, for the sake of those who are going to trust them about matters they themselves do not know.

For when Hyrcanus had received the kingdom, in the third year of the hundred and seventy-seventh Olympiad, in the consulship at Rome of Quintus Hortensius and Quintus Metellus — the one also called Creticus — Aristobulus at once made war against him, and when battle was joined near Jericho, many of Hyrcanus's soldiers deserted to his brother. When this happened, Hyrcanus fled to the

citadel, where, as we have already said, Aristobulus's wife and children happened to be held prisoner by their mother; and Aristobulus, attacking the opposing faction who had taken refuge within the temple precinct, took the position. Then, after conferring with his brother about a settlement, he ended the hostility on the terms that Aristobulus should be king, while he himself should live free of public affairs, enjoying without fear the property he already possessed.

Having agreed to these terms in the temple, confirmed the agreement with oaths and handclasps, and embraced each other before the eyes of the whole assembled crowd, they parted — Aristobulus to the palace, Hyrcanus, now a private citizen, to Aristobulus's house. Now Hyrcanus had a certain friend, an Idumaean named Antipater, a man well supplied with money, active by nature, and given to faction,

who was hostile to Aristobulus and at odds with him because of his own goodwill toward Hyrcanus. Nicolaus of Damascus, however, says that this man was descended from the leading Jews who had come from Babylon into Judea — a claim he makes to flatter Herod, Antipater's son, who by a turn of fortune became king of the Jews, as we shall relate in due course. This

Antipater — whose father bore the same name and was first called Antipas — was the man whom King Alexander and his wife had appointed general of the whole of Idumea; and they say he made friends with the neighboring Arabs, Gazans, and Ascalonites by winning them over with many great gifts. The younger Antipater, then, viewing Aristobulus's power with suspicion and fearing

that he might come to harm because of Aristobulus's hatred of him, secretly worked against him, speaking privately with the leading men among the Jews and arguing that it was wrong to overlook Aristobulus holding power unjustly, having driven out his brother, who was the elder, and holding what rightfully belonged to Hyrcanus by seniority. He kept up this argument with Hyrcanus continually,

telling him that his life was in danger unless he took precautions by getting Aristobulus out of the way; for Aristobulus's friends, he said, let no opportunity pass in urging him to kill Hyrcanus, so that he might then hold power securely. Hyrcanus did not believe these words, being naturally decent and not one to accept slander readily, out of fairness of mind. But it was just this passivity and slackness of spirit that made him seem, to those who saw him,

low and unmanly, whereas Aristobulus was of the opposite temper, active and alert in spirit. So when Antipater saw that Hyrcanus was paying no attention to his words, he did not let up, but day after day kept fabricating charges and slandering Aristobulus to him as wanting to kill him, until, by sheer persistence, he persuaded him — advising him to flee to Aretas, king of the Arabs; for if Hyrcanus agreed to this,

Antipater promised he would himself become his ally as well. Hyrcanus, hearing this, judged it advantageous to escape to Aretas — Arabia lies next to Judea — and so Hyrcanus first sent Antipater to the king of the Arabs to secure pledges that he would not surrender him, a suppliant, to his enemies. Having obtained these pledges, Antipater returned to Hyrcanus at Jerusalem, and not long

after, he took Hyrcanus with him, slipped out of the city by night, and, after covering a long stretch of road, brought him to the place called Petra, where Aretas had his palace. Being on especially close terms with the king, he urged him to restore Hyrcanus to Judea, and by doing this every day without letting up, and even offering gifts, he won Aretas over. And for his part

Hyrcanus promised that, once restored and in possession of the kingdom again, he would give back the territory and the twelve cities which his father Alexander had taken from the Arabs. These were Medaba, Libba, Nabaloth, Arabatha, Galanthone, Zoara, Oronaidigobasilissarydda, Alousa, and Oryba. Once these promises had been made to him, Aretas marched against Aristobulus with fifty thousand cavalry together with

his infantry, and won the battle. After the victory many deserted to Hyrcanus, and Aristobulus, left isolated, fled to Jerusalem. The Arab king, bringing up his whole army and attacking the temple, besieged Aristobulus there, the people too joining Hyrcanus and helping press the siege, while only the priests stood by Aristobulus.

Aretas, having set his camps of Arabs and Jews one after another around the temple, pressed the siege vigorously. While this was happening, at the time of the feast of unleavened bread, which we call Passover, the most respected of the Jews abandoned the country and fled to Egypt. Now there was a certain Onias, a righteous man beloved of God, who had once, in a time of drought, prayed to God to end the dryness,

and God had heard him and sent rain. This man had hidden himself, seeing that the strife continued fiercely; but he was brought up to the camp of the Jews, and they demanded that, just as he had ended the drought by his prayer, so now he should likewise pronounce curses against Aristobulus and his fellow rebels. When he protested and refused, the crowd forced him, and, standing in their midst, he said:

"O God, king of all things, since those standing with me are your people, and those under siege are your priests, I beg you: do not listen to these men against those, nor bring to pass what these men are asking against those."

When he had prayed in these words, the wicked among the Jews gathered around him and stoned him. But God at once punished them for this cruelty and exacted justice for the murder of Onias

in the following way: while the priests and Aristobulus were still under siege, the feast called Phaska came round, at which it is our custom to offer God many sacrifices. Lacking animals for sacrifice, Aristobulus's party asked their countrymen to supply them, offering to take whatever payment they wanted in exchange. When the others agreed to supply them, but demanded a thousand drachmas for each animal,

Aristobulus and the priests eagerly accepted, and, lowering the money down over the walls, handed it to them. But those men, having taken the money, did not deliver the animals; indeed, they went so far in wickedness as to break their word and offend God by failing to provide what was needed for the sacrifices to those who had asked. Having been cheated of the agreement, the priests prayed to God to exact justice from

their countrymen on their behalf, and God did not delay the punishment, but sent a great and violent wind that destroyed the crops of the whole land, so that at that time a bushel of wheat had to be bought for eleven drachmas. Meanwhile, Pompey, still in Armenia and still at war with Tigranes, sent Scaurus into Syria; and Scaurus, on arriving at Damascus, took it over from Lollius and Metellus, who had only recently

When Scaurus, arriving at Damascus, found that Lollius and Metellus had just taken the city, he pressed on himself into Judea. On his approach, envoys came to him from both Aristobulus and Hyrcanus, each side asking that he fight as their ally. Aristobulus promised to give four hundred talents, and Hyrcanus promised no less, but Scaurus accepted Aristobulus's offer, for Aristobulus was wealthy and high-minded and expected to be treated on fairly moderate terms, while Hyrcanus was poor and stingy and had made his incredible promise about a far larger sum without meaning to keep it. Besides, it was no equal matter to take by force a city among the strongest and best defended, or to drive out a band of exiles backed by a mass of Nabateans who were poorly disposed toward war. Scaurus therefore sided with Aristobulus for these reasons, took the money, and lifted the siege, ordering Aretas to withdraw or be declared an enemy of Rome.

Scaurus then went back to Damascus, while Aristobulus marched with a large force against Aretas and Hyrcanus, met them near a place called Papyron, defeated them in battle, and killed about six thousand of the enemy, among whom fell Phallion, the brother of Antipater.

Not long afterward, when Pompey arrived at Damascus and was advancing through Coele-Syria, envoys came to him from all of Syria and Egypt and from Judea as well; for Aristobulus sent him a great gift, a golden vine worth five hundred talents. Strabo the Cappadocian also mentions this gift, writing as follows: "There came also an embassy from Egypt, with a crown worth four thousand gold pieces, and from Judea either a vine or a garden — they called the piece of work Terpole, 'Delight.'" I myself have seen this gift on display in Rome, dedicated in the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, bearing the inscription "of Alexander, king of the Jews." It was valued at five hundred talents. It is said that Aristobulus, ruler of the Jews, was the one who sent it.

Not long after this, envoys came to Pompey again, Antipater on behalf of Hyrcanus, and Nicodemus on behalf of Aristobulus. Nicodemus went so far as to accuse those who had taken bribes, Gabinius earlier and Scaurus later — three hundred talents from the one, four hundred from the other — thereby making enemies of these men too, in addition to his other opponents. Pompey ordered the disputants to appear before him, and as spring was setting in, he took up his army from its winter quarters and set out for the territory of Damascus. On the way he demolished the citadel at Apamea that Antiochus Cyzicenus had built, and took note of the territory of Ptolemy son of Mennaeus, a man no less wicked than Dionysius of Tripolis, who had been beheaded — indeed Ptolemy had been related to him by marriage — though Ptolemy had bought off punishment for his crimes with a thousand talents, which Pompey used to pay his soldiers. He also captured the stronghold of Lysias, where Silas the Jew had been ruler. Passing through the cities of Heliopolis and Chalcis, and crossing the mountain range that divides off the region called Coele-Syria from the rest, he came from there to Damascus.

There he gave a hearing to the Jews and to their leaders, who were at odds with one another — Hyrcanus and Aristobulus — and to the nation, which was at odds with both of them. The people did not wish to be ruled by a king at all, holding that it was ancestral for them to obey the priests of the god they worshipped, and that these two men, though descended from the priests, were seeking to transfer the nation to a different kind of government, so that it might become enslaved. Hyrcanus, for his part, charged that though he was the elder, he had been robbed of his birthright by Aristobulus, and now held only a small portion of the territory under his own control, Aristobulus having seized the rest by force. He also accused Aristobulus of being responsible for the raids on neighboring peoples and for the piracy at sea, saying that the nation would never have revolted from him if he had not been a violent and troublesome man. More than a thousand of the most respected Jews, whom Antipater had arranged to be present, supported him as he made these charges.

Aristobulus, in reply, blamed his brother's ineffectual character for his loss of power, and said it made him an object of contempt. As for himself, he said he had taken up the rule only under compulsion, out of fear that it might pass to others, and that he bore the same title his father Alexander had borne. As witnesses to this he called forward the younger and more arrogant men of his party, whose purple robes, long hair, silver ornaments on their weapons, and other finery the older men found disgusting — they wore this display as though going out in a procession rather than as men about to stand trial.

When Pompey had heard all this, and had judged Aristobulus's conduct to be violent, he dismissed them for the time being with mild words, but said that when he came into their country he would settle everything, once he had first dealt with the Nabateans. Meanwhile he ordered them to remain quiet, and in the same breath he courted Aristobulus, so that Aristobulus would not draw the country into revolt and block the mountain passes. But this is exactly what happened at Aristobulus's hands: without waiting for anything Pompey had discussed with him, he went off to the city of Dium, and from there set out for Judea.

Pompey was angered by this, and taking the army he had gathered against the Nabateans, together with auxiliaries from Damascus and the rest of Syria and the Roman legions he already had with him, he marched against Aristobulus. Passing by Pella and Scythopolis, he came to Corea, which is the beginning of Judea for one traveling through the interior. There, since Aristobulus had taken refuge in a very beautiful stronghold set on the peak of a mountain, Alexandreion, Pompey sent word ordering him to come to him. Though many advised him not to make war on Rome, he came down, and after pleading his case against his brother for the rule, went back up again into the citadel, with Pompey's consent. He did this two or three times, at once flattering Pompey with the hope he held out concerning the kingship and pretending to obey each of Pompey's commands, while withdrawing again to his stronghold in order not to abandon it and to secure himself a base for making war, since he feared Pompey would turn the rule over to Hyrcanus.

When Pompey ordered him to hand over the strongholds and to write to their garrison commanders in his own hand — for he had forbidden any other manner of surrender — Aristobulus obeyed, but withdrew in great distress to Jerusalem and set about preparing for war. Not long after, as Pompey was leading his army against him, some men arrived on the road from Pontus with news of the death of Mithridates, who had been killed by his son Pharnaces. Pompey then camped near Jericho, where the palm tree grows, and where the balsam-oil, the finest of perfumes, oozes out like resin when the shrubs are cut with a sharp stone; from there he set out at dawn for Jerusalem. Aristobulus, having had a change of heart, came to Pompey, and offering him money and admitting him into Jerusalem, begged him to stop the war and to conduct affairs peaceably as he pleased. Pompey, granting his request, sent Gabinius with soldiers to collect the money and take possession of the city. Nothing came of this, however; Gabinius returned, shut out of the city and without the money, since Aristobulus's soldiers would not allow the agreement to be carried out.

Pompey grew angry at this, put Aristobulus under guard, and advanced against the city himself. It was well fortified on every side except the north, which was weakly defended, since there a wide, deep ravine runs around it, enclosing the temple within a stone wall built very strongly. Inside the city there was factional strife, the people disagreeing among themselves about the present crisis: some thought the city should be surrendered to Pompey, while those who favored Aristobulus urged that it be shut and defended, so that he too might be freed from his imprisonment. This latter party moved first, seized the temple, and cut away the bridge leading from it into the city, preparing for a siege. The others received Pompey's army and handed over to him both the city and the palace.

Pompey sent his lieutenant Piso ahead with a force to garrison the city and the palace, and he fortified the houses adjoining the temple and whatever lay outside it around the temple precinct. At first he offered terms of settlement to those inside, but when they would not yield to what he proposed, he began walling off the surrounding area, Hyrcanus assisting him eagerly in every way. Pompey himself camped at dawn on the north side of the temple, where it was open to attack. Great towers had been raised there too, and a trench had been dug, and the site was enclosed by a deep ravine; for on the side toward the city as well the bridge had been broken down, on which Pompey, laboring day after day, kept raising an earthwork, the Romans cutting down the surrounding timber. When this had been brought high enough — the trench having with great difficulty been filled in, given its immense depth — he brought up siege engines and machines carried in from Tyre, set them in position, and began battering the temple with his stone-throwers.

Had it not been our ancestral custom to rest on the seventh day, the earthwork could not have been completed, since our people would have hindered it; for the Law permits us to defend ourselves against those who begin a fight and strike us, but does not allow us to act against an enemy doing anything else. The Romans, well aware of this, on the days we call Sabbaths neither shot at the Jews nor came to close quarters with them, but raised earthworks and towers and brought up their machines, so that these would be ready for use on the following day. One may judge from this the extraordinary piety we show toward God and our devotion to the Law, since the men were not at all hindered by fear during the siege from carrying out the sacred rites, but twice a day, in the morning and about the ninth hour, went on offering sacrifice at the altar, and did not let go of the sacrifices even when things grew difficult during the assaults. Indeed, when the city was captured, in the third month, on the very day of the fast, in the hundred and seventy-ninth Olympiad, in the consulship of Gaius Antonius and Marcus Tullius Cicero, the enemy burst in and were slaughtering those in the temple, yet those attending to the sacrifices went on performing them no less, neither driven by fear for their lives nor by the number of those already being killed to flee, but judging it better to endure at those very altars whatever they must suffer than to pass over any point of the Law.

That this is no mere claim glorifying a false piety, but the truth, is attested by all who have written the history of Pompey's campaigns, among them Strabo and Nicolaus, and besides them Titus Livius, the author of the Roman History.

When the battering ram had been brought up and the largest of the towers, shaken, came crashing down, breaching part of the wall, the enemy poured in, and first among them Cornelius Faustus, son of Sulla, mounted the wall with his own soldiers, and after him the centurion Furius with those following him on the other side, and through the middle Fabius, likewise a centurion, with a strong company. Everywhere was filled with slaughter. Some of the Jews were killed by the Romans, others by one another; some hurled themselves down from the cliffs, and others, setting fire to their houses, burned to death in them, unable to bear what was happening. About twelve thousand of the Jews fell, but very few of the Romans. Among the captives taken was Absalom, both uncle and father-in-law of Aristobulus.

No small violation of custom occurred with regard to the sanctuary, which had until then been untrodden and unseen; for Pompey went into the inner chamber, and not a few of those with him, and saw what was lawful for no one to see but the high priests alone. There stood a golden table, a sacred lampstand, libation vessels, and a great quantity of spices, and besides these, in the treasuries, sacred funds amounting to nearly two thousand talents. Pompey touched none of it, out of piety, and in this too acted in a manner worthy of his own excellence of character. The next day he ordered the temple servants to purify the temple and to offer the customary sacrifices to God, and he restored the high priesthood to Hyrcanus, both because of the other services Hyrcanus had rendered him and because he had kept the Jews of the countryside from fighting alongside Aristobulus; and he put to death by the axe those responsible for the war. To Faustus and the others who had mounted the wall with such courage he awarded fitting prizes for valor.

Jerusalem he made tributary to the Romans, and the cities of Coele-Syria that its inhabitants had previously subdued he took away and placed under his own governor, thereby confining within its own borders the whole nation, which had before been raised to great power. Gadara, which had recently been destroyed, he rebuilt, as a favor to Demetrius of Gadara, his own freedman; and the rest — Hippos, Scythopolis, Pella, Dium, and Samaria, as well as Marisa, Ashdod, Jamnia, and Arethusa — he restored to their inhabitants. These he restored in the interior, apart from the cities that had been demolished; and on the coast, Gaza, Joppa, Dora, and Strato's Tower — which, after Herod rebuilt it magnificently and adorned it with harbors and temples, was renamed Caesarea — all these Pompey set free and attached to the province.

For this disaster that befell Jerusalem, Hyrcanus and Aristobulus were responsible, through their quarrel with each other; for we lost our freedom and became subject to the Romans, and the territory we had won by arms, taking it from the Syrians, we were forced to give back to the Syrians. In addition, the Romans in a short time exacted from us more than ten thousand talents, and the kingship, formerly given to those who were high priests by descent, became an honor held by commoners. Of these matters we will speak in their proper place.

Pompey, having handed over the rest of Coele-Syria as far as the Euphrates and Egypt to Scaurus, together with two Roman legions, hastened on to Cilicia on his way to Rome. He brought with him Aristobulus in chains, together with his family; for Aristobulus had two daughters and as many sons, of whom Alexander escaped, while the younger, Antigonus, was carried off to Rome along with his sisters. When Scaurus had marched against Petra in Arabia, and, because it was hard to take, was ravaging the country around it, and his army was suffering from famine, Antipater

On Hyrcanus's instructions, Antipater kept supplying Scaurus with grain from Judea and whatever else his army lacked. When Scaurus sent him as an envoy to Aretas, on the strength of an existing bond of hospitality, Antipater persuaded the king to pay money so that his country would not be ravaged, and he himself stood as guarantor for three hundred talents. On these terms Scaurus ended the war, no less willingly than Aretas himself wanted this outcome.

Some time later, when Alexander the son of Aristobulus was overrunning Judea, Gabinius arrived from Rome as governor of Syria. Among other notable achievements, he marched against Alexander, since Hyrcanus was no longer able to resist Alexander's strength and Alexander was already attempting to rebuild the wall of Jerusalem, which Pompey had torn down. The Romans stationed there stopped him from that. But as he moved about the country he armed many of the Jews and quickly gathered ten thousand heavy infantry and fifteen hundred cavalry, and he fortified Alexandreion, the stronghold near Corea, and Machaerus, on the Arabian mountains.

Gabinius therefore marched against him, sending Mark Antony ahead with other commanders. These men armed the Romans who followed them, and along with them the subject Jews, led by Peitholaus and Malichus, and adding also Antipater's own company, they went to meet Alexander; Gabinius followed with the main body of troops. Alexander withdrew near Jerusalem, and when the two sides met there and a battle took place, the Romans killed about three thousand of the enemy and took no fewer prisoner.

Meanwhile Gabinius came to Alexandreion and invited those inside to negotiate, promising to pardon their past offenses. Since a large enemy force was encamped before the fortress, the Romans advanced against them, and Mark Antony fought brilliantly, killing many and winning distinction for valor. Gabinius then left part of his army there to besiege the place until it was taken, while he himself advanced through the rest of Judea, and wherever he came upon cities that had been demolished, he ordered them rebuilt. So Samaria, Azotus, Scythopolis, Anthedon, Raphia, Adora, Marisa, Gaza, and many others were rebuilt. Because the people obeyed what Gabinius commanded, cities that had lain empty for a long time were now securely resettled.

Having accomplished this throughout the country, he returned to Alexandreion, and as he was pressing the siege there, Alexander sent envoys asking to be pardoned for his offenses and surrendering the strongholds of Hyrcania and Machaerus, and later Alexandreion as well. Gabinius razed all of these. When Alexander's mother came to him — she favored the Roman side, since her husband and her other children were held in Rome — Gabinius granted her everything she asked, and after settling matters with her he brought Hyrcanus down to Jerusalem to take charge of the care of the temple.

Gabinius set up five councils and divided the nation into equal districts accordingly: some governed themselves from Jerusalem, others from Gadara, others from Amathus, a fourth group from Jericho, and the fifth from Sepphoris in Galilee. Freed from the rule of a single dynasty, the people lived under an aristocracy.

When Aristobulus escaped from Rome to Judea and set about rebuilding Alexandreion, which had recently been demolished, Gabinius sent soldiers and commanders against him — Sisenna, Antony, and Servilius — to prevent him from occupying the place and to capture him. Many of the Jews flocked to Aristobulus out of their old regard for his family, and also because they always delighted in new upheavals. Peitholaus, a subordinate commander in Jerusalem, deserted to him with a thousand men; but most of those who joined him were unarmed. Aristobulus had decided to withdraw to Machaerus; the unarmed men, being of no use to him for his undertaking, he dismissed, since they could not help him, while he took with him the armed men, about eight thousand in number, and set out.

When the Romans attacked them fiercely, the Jews were defeated in battle, though they fought nobly and with spirit; forced back by the enemy, they turned to flight. About five thousand of them were killed, and the rest scattered and tried to save themselves as best they could. Aristobulus, with more than a thousand men still with him, fled to Machaerus, fortified the place, and despite his misfortune clung no less to good hope. After holding out under siege for two days and suffering many wounds, he was taken prisoner, together with his son Antigonus, who had likewise fled with him from Rome, and brought to Gabinius. Having met with such a turn of fortune, Aristobulus was sent back once more to Rome and kept there in chains — a man who had reigned and served as high priest for three years and six months, and who had shown himself brilliant and magnanimous. His children, however, were released by the Senate, because Gabinius had written that he had promised this to their mother in exchange for her surrendering the strongholds. So matters returned to their former state in Judea.

While Gabinius was campaigning against the Parthians and had already crossed the Euphrates, he changed his mind and turned back to Egypt to install Ptolemy on its throne. This too has been related elsewhere. During the expedition Gabinius undertook against Hyrcanus's enemies, Antipater supplied him with grain, weapons, and money, and won over to him the Jews who lived beyond Pelusium, making them allies who guarded the approaches into Egypt.

On returning from Egypt, Gabinius found Syria sick with faction and disorder: Alexander, Aristobulus's son, had again come forward by force to seize power, driven many of the Jews to revolt, and, advancing through the country with a large army, was killing every Roman he came upon and pressing the siege of those who had taken refuge on the mountain called Gerizim. Finding Syria in this state, Gabinius — a shrewd man — sent Antipater to those in revolt, to see whether he could check their madness and persuade them to return to better judgment.

Antipater went and brought many to their senses and won them over as needed, but he could not restrain Alexander; for Alexander, with an army of thirty thousand Jews, met Gabinius in battle and was defeated, losing ten thousand men near Mount Tabor. Having settled affairs in Jerusalem as Antipater wished, Gabinius marched against the Nabataeans and defeated them in battle. He also received Parthian refugees, Mithridates and Orsanes, sending them on ahead under the pretext that they had escaped from him. Having accomplished great and brilliant deeds in his command, Gabinius set out for Rome, handing over his office to Crassus. Concerning the campaigns of Pompey and Gabinius against the Jews, Nicolaus of Damascus and Strabo of Cappadocia both write, neither saying anything different from the other.

Crassus, about to campaign against the Parthians, came to Judea and carried off the money in the temple that Pompey had left untouched — two thousand talents — and was prepared to strip the temple of all its gold as well, which amounted to eight thousand talents. He also took a solid gold beam made from three hundred minas — a mina among us weighing two and a half pounds. The priest in charge of the treasures, a man named Eleazar, handed this beam over to him, not out of wickedness — for he was a good and just man — but because he had been entrusted with guarding the temple curtains, which were wondrously beautiful and costly in their workmanship and hung from this beam. When he saw Crassus intent on gathering the gold, fearing for the whole adornment of the temple, he gave him this golden beam as a ransom for everything else, taking oaths from him that he would move nothing else from the temple and would be satisfied with this one gift alone, worth a great many thousands. This beam was concealed inside a hollow wooden beam, a fact unknown to everyone else — Eleazar alone knew it.

Crassus nevertheless took this beam too, as though he would touch nothing else in the temple, and then, breaking his oaths, carried off all the gold in the temple. Let no one wonder that there was so great a wealth in our temple, belonging to Jews from every part of the inhabited world and to those who worshiped God, and contributed as well by Jews from Asia and Europe over a very long time. Nor is the size of these sums unattested, nor is it exaggerated to such a figure out of our own boastfulness and love of embellishment — many other historians bear witness to it besides ourselves, and Strabo of Cappadocia, who writes as follows: "Mithridates, having sent to Cos, took the money that Queen Cleopatra had deposited there, and the eight hundred talents belonging to the Jews."

"We have no public funds except those belonging to God, and it is clear that the Jews in Asia moved this money to Cos out of fear of Mithridates; for it is not likely that those in Judea, who had a fortified city and the temple, would send money to Cos, nor is it plausible that the Jews living in Alexandria would do this either, having no fear of Mithridates." The same Strabo bears witness elsewhere too, that at the time when Sulla crossed into Greece to make war on Mithridates, and sent Lucullus to put down the revolt of our nation in Cyrene, the whole inhabited world was full of it, saying as follows: "There were four classes in the city of the Cyrenaeans: that of the citizens, that of the farmers, a third of resident aliens, and a fourth of the Jews. This class has already spread into every city, and it is not easy to find a place in the inhabited world that has not received this people and come under its influence."

"Egypt and Cyrene, since they had the same rulers, came to emulate many other things and in particular to nurture and increase the Jewish communities, which followed the ancestral laws of the Jews. In Egypt, indeed, a district has been set apart for the Jews to inhabit, and a large part of the city of Alexandria has been marked off for this people. An ethnarch of their own is also appointed, who governs the nation, adjudicates disputes, and oversees contracts and decrees, as though he were the ruler of an independent state. In Egypt the nation grew strong because the Jews were originally Egyptians, and because those who left from there would settle nearby; it spread to Cyrene because this region too bordered on Egyptian territory, just as Judea did, or rather was formerly part of that territory." So much Strabo says.

Crassus, having settled everything as he himself wished, set out for Parthia; there he perished with his entire army, as has been related elsewhere. Cassius, fleeing to Syria and securing it, stood in the way of the Parthians as they rushed to invade it after their victory over Crassus. He later came again to Tyre and went up into Judea as well. He immediately fell upon Tarichaeae, took it, and enslaved about thirty thousand people. He killed Peitholaus, who had taken up Aristobulus's cause, at Antipater's urging, for Antipater's influence with him was great, and he was then held in the highest regard by the Jews as well.

While he was there, Antipater married a woman of noble Arab birth named Cypros, by whom he had four sons — Phasael and Herod, who later became king, Joseph and Pheroras — and a daughter, Salome. This Antipater had also formed ties of friendship and hospitality with the other rulers, especially with the king of the Arabs, to whom he entrusted his children while he was at war with Aristobulus.

Cassius then marched out toward the Euphrates to meet the Parthian forces advancing from there, as has been related by others as well. Some time later, Caesar, having taken possession of Rome after Pompey and the Senate fled across the Ionian Sea, released Aristobulus from his chains and decided to send him to Syria, giving him two legions, so that he might use his ability to prepare matters there.

But Aristobulus did not enjoy the hopes he had gained from Caesar's grant of authority; instead, Pompey's partisans got to him first and killed him by poison. Those who managed Caesar's affairs buried him, and his body lay embalmed in honey for a long time, until Antony later sent it to Judea and had it placed in the royal tombs. Scipio, on Pompey's instructions, had Alexander, Aristobulus's son, put to death by the axe, charging the young man with the wrongs he had first committed against the Romans. So he died at Antioch.

Ptolemy, son of Mennaeus, ruler of Chalcis under Mount Lebanon, took charge of his brothers, and sending his son Philippion to Ascalon to Aristobulus's wife, ordered her to send back with him her son Antigonus and her daughters. Philippion fell in love with one of them, Alexandra, and took her as his wife. Afterward his own father Ptolemy killed him and married Alexandra himself, continuing thereafter to look after her siblings.

After Pompey's death and the victory over him, Antipater, the overseer of the Jews acting on Hyrcanus's orders, rendered much valuable service to Caesar as he warred in Egypt. For when Mithridates of Pergamum, bringing reinforcements, was unable to make his way through Pelusium and was delayed near Ascalon, Antipater came to him leading three thousand Jewish infantry and arranged for allies to come from Arabia among the leading men there; and because of him all those throughout Syria helped as well, unwilling to be left behind in their zeal for Caesar's cause — Iamblichus the ruler, Ptolemy son of Soaemus, who lived on Mount Lebanon, and almost all the cities.

Mithridates, setting out from Syria, arrived at Pelusium, and when its people would not receive him, he besieged the city. Antipater distinguished himself, tearing down part of the wall and providing a way for the others to force their way into the city. And so Pelusium

That was the situation. As Antipater and Mithridates set out to Caesar, the Jews who lived in the district called the Land of Onias tried to stop them. But Antipater won these men over too, appealing to their common origin, and above all by showing them letters from the high priest Hyrcanus urging them to be friends to Caesar and to supply his army with gifts and everything it needed. Once they saw Antipater and the high priest in agreement, they obeyed. When the Jews around Memphis heard that this group had come over, they too summoned Mithridates to join them, and he came and took them in as well. When the region called the Delta had already been circled, he met the enemy near the place called the Camp of the Jews. Mithridates held the right wing, Antipater the left.

When the armies clashed, Mithridates' wing gave way and would have suffered the worst disaster, had not Antipater, running along the riverbank with his own soldiers after already defeating the enemy facing him, come to the rescue and turned the victorious Egyptians to flight. He also captured their camp by continuing the pursuit, and he sent for Mithridates, who had fallen far behind in the rout. Eight hundred of Mithridates' men died, but only fifty of Antipater's. Mithridates wrote to Caesar about all this, declaring Antipater responsible for both the victory and his own survival, so that Caesar not only praised him at the time but employed him in the most dangerous undertakings throughout the rest of the war. In the fighting Antipater was in fact wounded.

When Caesar had finally brought the war to an end and sailed to Syria, he honored him greatly: he confirmed Hyrcanus in the high priesthood, and granted Antipater Roman citizenship and exemption from taxation everywhere. Many say that Hyrcanus also took part in this campaign and went to Egypt, and my account is confirmed by Strabo of Cappadocia, who writes, quoting Asinius: "After Mithridates invaded Egypt, so did Hyrcanus, the high priest of the Jews." The same Strabo, elsewhere, quoting Hypsicrates, says: "Mithridates went out alone, but Antipater, the administrator of Judea, was summoned by him to Ascalon and provided him with three thousand soldiers, and also persuaded the other rulers to join; and Hyrcanus the high priest also took part in the campaign." So much for what Strabo says.

Antigonus son of Aristobulus also came to Caesar and lamented his father's fate — how Aristobulus had been killed by poison on his account, and how his brother had been beheaded by Scipio — and he begged Caesar to take pity on him, since he had been driven out of his rule. He also accused Hyrcanus and Antipater of governing the nation by force and of wronging him. Antipater, who was present, defended himself against the charge brought against him, and showed that Antigonus and his party were revolutionaries and troublemakers, recalling everything he himself had done and contributed on campaign, matters to which he himself was a witness. He said, and rightly, that Aristobulus had been carried off to Rome as an enemy who had always been hostile and never well disposed to the Romans, and that his brother, punished for piracy by Scipio, had gotten only what he deserved, and had not suffered this through force or injustice on the part of the one who did it.

After Antipater made this speech, Caesar appointed Hyrcanus high priest, and gave Antipater whatever position of authority he himself might choose. Leaving the choice to Antipater, Caesar appointed him procurator of Judea. He also permitted Hyrcanus, at his request, to rebuild the walls of his native city, for they still lay in ruins since Pompey had torn them down. And he instructed the consuls in Rome to have this recorded on the Capitol. The decree passed by the senate runs as follows: "Lucius Valerius, son of Lucius, praetor, brought this before the senate on the Ides of December, in the temple of Concord. Present at the drafting of the decree were Lucius Coponius son of Lucius, of the Collina tribe, and Papirius of the Quirina tribe. Concerning the matters that Alexander son of Jason, Numenius son of Antiochus, and Alexander son of Dorotheus, envoys of the Jews, good men and allies, discussed, renewing the favors and friendship previously established with the Romans, and concerning the golden shield they brought as a token of the alliance, worth fifty thousand gold pieces, and concerning their request that letters be given to the self-governing cities and to kings on behalf of the safety of their land and harbors, so that they should suffer no wrong — it was resolved to establish friendship and favors with them, to grant them whatever they asked, and to accept the shield they brought. This was done in the ninth year of Hyrcanus as high priest and ethnarch, in the month of Panemus."

Hyrcanus also won honors from the people of Athens, having himself been of great service to them, and they sent him a decree worded as follows: "In the term of the prytany-president and priest Dionysius son of Asclepiades, on the fifth of the month Panemus counting backward, a decree of the Athenians was submitted to the generals. In the archonship of Agathocles, Eucles son of Menander of Halimous being secretary, on the eleventh of Munychion, in an assembly held in the theater during the eleventh prytany, of the presiding officers Dorotheus of Erchia and his fellow presiding officers put the question to the people. Dionysius son of Dionysius proposed: Since Hyrcanus son of Alexander, high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, continues to show goodwill both to the people in common and to each citizen individually, treating them with every kindness, and welcomes and sends off with care for their safe return those Athenians who come to him whether on embassy or on private business — this has been attested before, and it is now resolved, on the motion of Dionysius son of Theodorus of Sounion, who also reminded the people of the man's virtue and of his readiness to do us whatever good he can, to honor the man with a gold crown for his valor according to the law, and to set up a bronze statue of him in the precinct of the People and the Graces, and to proclaim the crown in the theater at the Dionysia, during the performance of the new tragedies, and at the Panathenaea and the Eleusinia and at the athletic games, and that the generals see to it that, so long as he remains and preserves his goodwill toward us, everything we can devise be done to honor and reward the man's zeal and generosity, so that by these actions our people may be seen to welcome good men and to deem them worthy of due recompense, and so that he may be moved to emulate the goodwill toward us shown by those already honored; and to choose envoys from all the Athenians, who will deliver the decree to him and urge him, once he has accepted these honors, to try always to do some good for our city."

Such, then, were the honors paid to Hyrcanus the high priest by the Romans and by the people of Athens, as we have now shown. Caesar, having settled matters in Syria, sailed away. When Antipater, after seeing Caesar off from Syria, returned to Judea, he at once began rebuilding the wall that Pompey had torn down, and went around suppressing the unrest in the countryside, both threatening and advising people to stay calm. Those who favored Hyrcanus, he said, would live in peace and enjoy their own property undisturbed, but those who clung to hopes of revolution and to the gains such hopes promised would find in him a master instead of a protector, in Hyrcanus a tyrant instead of a king, and in the Romans and Caesar bitter enemies instead of rulers — for they would not tolerate the removal of the man they themselves had installed. By speaking in this way he restored order in the country.

Seeing that Hyrcanus was slow and sluggish, Antipater appointed Phasael, the eldest of his sons, governor of Jerusalem and its surroundings, and entrusted Galilee to the next in age, Herod, who was still altogether young — he was only fifteen years old. But his youth was no hindrance to him: being naturally noble in spirit, the young man at once found an opportunity to display his valor. Catching Ezekias, the chief bandit, overrunning the borders of Syria with a large band, he seized and killed him along with many of the bandits with him. The Syrians were overjoyed at this deed, since they longed to be rid of the bandits, and he cleared the country of them. They sang his praises for it in villages and towns, as one who had given them peace and secure enjoyment of their property. Because of this he also became known to Sextus Caesar, a relative of the great Caesar and governor of Syria.

Envy of Herod's achievements fell upon his brother Phasael, and stirred by Herod's growing reputation, he too was eager not to fall short of the same good name, and he won over the people of Jerusalem to greater goodwill, holding the city through his own influence but conducting himself neither tastelessly in his dealings nor abusing his power. Because of all this Antipater received from the nation the deference due a king and honors of the kind a man might expect who was master of everything; yet, for all this splendor, he never — as often happens — departed from his loyalty and goodwill toward Hyrcanus.

The leading men of the Jews, seeing Antipater and his sons growing so greatly in power through the goodwill of the nation and through the revenues both of Judea and of Hyrcanus's own funds, were ill-disposed toward him. For Antipater had made friends among the Roman commanders, and having persuaded Hyrcanus to send them money, he took it himself and pocketed the gift, sending it as though it were his own rather than as a gift from Hyrcanus. Hyrcanus heard of this but paid it no mind. The leading Jews, however, were afraid, seeing that Herod was violent, bold, and grasping for tyranny, and they came to Hyrcanus and now openly accused Antipater, saying: "How long will you sit quiet at what is being done? Do you not see that Antipater and his sons have girded on the government, while you have only the name of kingship left to hear? Do not let this escape you, and do not think yourself safe by being careless about yourself and the kingdom — for Antipater and his sons are no longer stewards of your affairs for you; do not deceive yourself into thinking so, but they have openly declared themselves masters. His son Herod, for instance, killed Ezekias and many with him, in violation of our law, which forbids putting a man to death, however wicked, unless he has first been condemned to suffer this by the council. He dared this without receiving authority from you." Hearing this, Hyrcanus was persuaded; and the mothers of those Herod had killed further inflamed his anger, for day after day in the Temple they kept begging the king and the people that Herod be made to answer for his deeds before the council. Moved by them, Hyrcanus summoned Herod to stand trial for the charges against him.

Herod came, but only after his father advised him not to come as a private citizen, but with a safe and armed escort for his person, and after he had first secured Galilee in whatever way he judged advantageous to himself. Having arranged things this way, and with a force sufficient for the journey, so that he would seem neither threatening to Hyrcanus by arriving with too large a company nor exposed and unguarded, he went to face trial. Sextus, however, the governor of Syria, wrote urging Hyrcanus to release Herod from the charge, adding threats if he disobeyed. This letter from Sextus gave Hyrcanus an excuse to release Herod without his suffering any penalty from the council, for he loved him like a son. When Herod took his place before the council with his armed company, he struck them all with fear, and none of those who had brought accusations against him before his arrival any longer dared to accuse him; there was only silence, and uncertainty about what to do.

While matters stood thus, a certain Samaias, a just man and for that reason above fear, rose and said: "Councilors, and King — I do not know of anyone ever summoned before you for trial who has stood as this man stands, nor do I suppose you can name one either; rather, whoever comes before this council to be judged appears humbled, in the dress and bearing of one afraid, seeking your pity, with hair grown long and wearing black clothing. But this excellent Herod, on trial for his life on such a charge, stands here wearing purple, his hair elaborately arranged, and armed men around him, so that if we condemn him according to the law, he may kill us and save himself by doing violence to justice. Yet I would not blame Herod for this, if he values his own advantage above the law; it is you and the king I blame, for granting him such license. Know well, however, that God is great, and this man, whom you now wish to release for Hyrcanus's sake, will one day punish both you and the king himself." And nothing he said proved false. For when Herod took the kingdom, he put to death all the members of the council, and Hyrcanus himself — except for Samaias, whom he honored greatly for his righteousness, and also because, when the city was later besieged by Herod and Sosius, he urged the people to admit Herod, saying that because of their sins they could not escape him. We shall speak of these matters in their proper place.

Hyrcanus, seeing that the council was set on Herod's death, adjourned the trial to another day, and secretly sent word to Herod advising him to flee the city, since that was the only way he would escape the danger. So Herod withdrew to Damascus, as though fleeing from the king, and having gone to Sextus Caesar and secured his own position with him, he settled there resolved that if he were summoned again before the council for trial, he would not obey. The members of the council were indignant and tried to make Hyrcanus understand that all this was directed against him. He was not unaware of it, but through cowardice could do nothing about it.

...and folly. Sextus made Herod governor of Coele-Syria — he sold him the post for money — and Hyrcanus lived in fear that Herod would march against him. His fear was not long delayed: Herod came against him leading an army, furious at the trial and at having been summoned to answer for himself before the council. But his father Antipater and his brother met him and kept him from attacking Jerusalem, checked his impulse, and urged him to attempt nothing by force, but to frighten the man who had raised him to this rank with a threat only, and go no further. They asked him, in his anger at having been summoned to trial, to remember also his release, and to be grateful for it, not to meet harsh treatment with harshness while being ungrateful for his deliverance.

He should consider, they said, that even though God governs the outcome of wars, the injustice weighs on the side of this campaign, and so he should not count altogether on victory if he meant to make war on a king who had been raised with him, who had done him many benefits and no harm, and whose grounds for complaint against him arose from wicked advisers, not from the king himself, who had given him only a suspicion and shadow of some difficulty.

Herod was persuaded by this, judging that it was enough for his purposes simply to have displayed his strength to the nation. Such was the state of affairs in Judea.

Caesar, on coming to Rome, was ready to sail to Africa to make war on Scipio and Cato, and Hyrcanus sent to him asking him to confirm his friendship and alliance.

At this point it seemed necessary to me to set out all the honors and alliances that the Romans and their commanders made with our nation, so that it should not escape everyone else's notice that the kings of Asia and of Europe too held us in high regard, prizing our courage and our loyalty.

Since many, out of hostility toward us, disbelieve what the Persians and Macedonians recorded about us, on the ground that these records are no longer preserved everywhere in public places but only among ourselves and certain other barbarian peoples, there is no gainsaying the decrees of the Romans: these stand set up in the public places of the cities, and to this day are inscribed on bronze tablets in the Capitol. Furthermore, Julius Caesar had a bronze tablet made for the Jews of Alexandria declaring that they are citizens of Alexandria; it is from documents like these that I shall construct my proof. I will set out the decrees passed by the senate and by Julius Caesar concerning Hyrcanus and our nation.

"Gaius Julius Caesar, commander and high priest, dictator for the second time, to the magistrates, council, and people of Sidon, greetings. If you are well, it is well; I too am well, together with the army. I have sent you a copy of the record inscribed on the tablet concerning Hyrcanus son of Alexander, high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, so that it may be deposited among your public records. I wish this to be set up on a bronze tablet in both Greek and Latin."

It reads as follows: "I, Julius Caesar, commander for the second time and high priest, have ruled, after consulting my council: since Hyrcanus son of Alexander the Jew has shown, both now and in earlier times, in peace and in war, loyalty and zeal toward our affairs, as many commanders have testified on his behalf, and since in the recent war at Alexandria he came to my aid with fifteen hundred soldiers, and when sent by me to Mithridates surpassed in courage every man in the ranks — for these reasons I decree that Hyrcanus son of Alexander and his children shall be ethnarchs of the Jews and shall hold the high priesthood of the Jews in perpetuity according to their ancestral customs, and that he and his sons shall be our allies and further be numbered among our personal friends, and whatever privileges belong to the high priesthood under their own laws, I order that he and his children retain these; and if any dispute should arise concerning the way of life of the Jews, I rule that judgment be given among themselves. I do not approve that winter quarters be assigned to them or money exacted from them."

The grants, concessions, and rulings of Gaius Caesar, commander and consul, are as follows: that his children shall rule the nation of the Jews, and shall enjoy the fruits of the territories granted to them, and that the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews himself shall stand as protector of those who are wronged. Ambassadors are to be sent to Hyrcanus son of Alexander, high priest of the Jews, to discuss friendship and alliance; and a bronze tablet containing these provisions is to be set up in the Capitol and in Sidon, Tyre, and Ascalon, and in the temples, inscribed in Latin and Greek letters. And this decree is to be brought to the attention of our friends by all the city quaestors and their superiors, and hospitality gifts are to be provided to the ambassadors, and the edicts are to be sent out everywhere.

Gaius Caesar, commander, dictator, and consul, on account of Hyrcanus's honor, virtue, and benevolence, and for the advantage of the senate and people of Rome, granted that Hyrcanus son of Alexander and his children should be high priests and priests of Jerusalem and of the nation, holding the same rights by which their ancestors held the high priesthood.

Gaius Caesar, consul for the fifth time, ruled that they should hold this right, and that the city of Jerusalem should be walled, and that Hyrcanus son of Alexander, high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, should hold it as he himself sees fit. And that the Jews should have a reduction of one kor of revenue in the second year of the lease, and that no one should farm the taxes from them, nor should they pay the same tribute as before.

Gaius Caesar, commander for the second time, established that they should pay tribute yearly for the city of Jerusalem, excepting Joppa, apart from the seventh year, which they call the sabbatical year, since in that year they neither gather the fruit of the trees nor sow. And that in the second year they should pay to Sidon as tribute a fourth of what is sown; and further, that they should pay to Hyrcanus and his children the tithes that they used to pay to their ancestors.

And that no magistrate, deputy magistrate, general, or legate should be permitted, in raising an allied force or soldiers within the borders of the Jews, to exact money from them either for winter quarters or under any other pretext, but that they be free from molestation in every respect. And whatever they afterward acquired, or bought, held, and enjoyed, all this they are to keep; and as for the city of Joppa, which the Jews possessed from the beginning when they made their friendship with the Romans, it is our pleasure that it belong to them, just as it did at first, and that Hyrcanus son of Alexander and his children should receive as tribute for this city, from those who work the land, a harbor export duty of twenty thousand six hundred seventy-five modii yearly, paid to Sidon, excepting the seventh year, which they call the sabbatical year, in which they neither plow nor gather the fruit of the trees.

As for the villages in the great plain which Hyrcanus and his ancestors previously held, it is the pleasure of the senate that Hyrcanus and the Jews keep these on the same terms as they held them before. The original rights are also to remain in force — whatever privileges existed between the Jews and their high priests and priests, and whatever they obtained by vote of the people and of the senate. And they are permitted to enjoy these same rights at Lydda. As for the places, territory, and settlements which the kings of Syria and Phoenicia, being allies of the Romans, had the right to enjoy as a gift, the senate resolves that Hyrcanus the ethnarch and the Jews should hold these.

It is granted to Hyrcanus and his sons, and to the ambassadors sent by him, to sit with the senators when watching gladiatorial combats and beast-hunts; and that, upon their request to the dictator or the master of horse, they be admitted to the senate, and that answers be given to them within ten days in all, from the time the decree is passed.

Gaius Caesar, commander, dictator for the fourth time, consul for the fifth time, dictator appointed for life, made the following statement concerning the rights of Hyrcanus son of Alexander, high priest and ethnarch of the Jews: since the commanders before me testified in the provinces on behalf of Hyrcanus, high priest of the Jews, and of the Jews, before the senate and people of Rome, and since the people and the senate expressed their gratitude to them, it is right that we too should remember and provide, so that gratitude worthy of their goodwill toward us, and of the benefits they conferred on us, may be repaid to Hyrcanus and the nation of the Jews and Hyrcanus's children by the senate and people of Rome.

Julius Gaius, praetor and consul of the Romans, to the magistrates, council, and people of the Parians, greetings. The Jews on Delos, together with some of the resident Jews, came before me, with your envoys also present, and made clear that you are preventing them by decree from following their ancestral customs and rites.

It does not please me, then, that such decrees be passed against our friends and allies, and that they be prevented from living according to their own customs and from contributing money for common meals and sacred rites, when they are not even prevented from doing this in Rome. For Gaius Caesar, our praetor and consul, in his edict forbidding associations to gather in the city, did not forbid these alone from contributing money or holding common meals. In the same way, while I forbid other associations, I permit these alone to gather and to feast together according to their ancestral customs and laws.

It is therefore right that you too, if you have passed any decree against our friends and allies, should annul it, on account of their virtue and goodwill toward us.

After Gaius's death, Marcus Antonius and Publius Dolabella, being consuls, convened the senate, brought forward Hyrcanus's ambassadors, discussed the matters they requested, and made an alliance with them; and the senate voted to grant them everything they wished to obtain. I have appended the decree as well, so that readers of this work may have close at hand the proof of what I report. It read as follows:

Decree of the senate, copied from the treasury, from the public records of the quaestors, in the custody of Quintus Rutilius and Quintus Cornelius, city quaestors, tablet two, and first of the first series. Three days before the Ides of April, in the temple of Concord. Present at the drafting were: Lucius Calpurnius Piso of the Menenian tribe; Servinius Papinius Quintus of the Lemonian tribe; Gaius Caninius Rebilus of the Teretine tribe; Publius Tedetius, son of Lucius, of the Pollian tribe; Lucius Apuleius, son of Lucius, of the Sergian tribe; Flavius, son of Lucius, of the Lemonian tribe; Publius Plautius, son of Publius, of the Papirian tribe; Marcus Sellius, son of Marcus, of the Maecian tribe; Lucius Erucius of the Stellatine tribe; Marcus Quintus, son of Marcus, Plancinus, of the Pollian tribe; Publius Serrius —

— Publius Dolabella and Marcus Antonius, consuls, addressed the matters that Gaius Caesar had decided by senatorial decree on behalf of the Jews but which had not yet been entered into the treasury records; it is our pleasure that these be recorded, as Publius Dolabella and Marcus Antonius the consuls resolved, and that they be entered on tablets and forwarded to the city quaestors, so that they too may take care to inscribe them on double-leaved tablets. This was done five days before the Ides of February, in the temple of Concord. The ambassadors from Hyrcanus the high priest were these: Lysimachus son of Pausanias, Alexander son of Theodorus, Patroclus son of Chaereas, and John son of Onias.

Hyrcanus sent one of these ambassadors also to Dolabella, then governor of Asia, asking him to exempt the Jews from military service and to allow them to keep their ancestral customs and to live according to them. This he obtained easily, for Dolabella, on receiving Hyrcanus's letter, without even deliberating, wrote to all the communities of Asia, addressing the city of Ephesus, the leading city of Asia, concerning the Jews.

The letter ran as follows: In the prytany of Artemon, first day of the month Lenaeon. Dolabella, commander, to the magistrates, council, and people of Ephesus, greetings. Alexander son of Theodorus, ambassador of Hyrcanus son of Alexander, high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, brought to my attention that his fellow citizens cannot perform military service, because they cannot bear arms or march on the days of the Sabbath, nor can they procure the ancestral and customary food during these days.

I, therefore, just as the governors before me did, grant them exemption from military service, and allow them to follow their ancestral customs, gathering for their sacred rites as is lawful for them, and for the offerings set apart for sacrifices; and I wish you to write this to the cities.

These, then, were the favors Dolabella granted to our people at the embassy of Hyrcanus.

Lucius Lentulus the consul declared: Roman citizens who are Jews, observing Jewish rites and practicing them before the tribunal at Ephesus, I have exempted from military service on grounds of religious scruple, twelve days before the Kalends of October, in the consulship of Lucius Lentulus and Gaius Marcellus. Present were: Titus Ampius Balbus, son of Titus, of the Horatian tribe, legate; Titus Tongius, son of Titus, of the Crustumine tribe; Quintus Caesius, son of Quintus; Titus Pompeius Longinus, son of Titus; Gaius Servilius Bracchus, son of Gaius, of the Teretine tribe, military tribune; Publius Clusius Gallus, son of Publius, of the Aetorian tribe; Gaius Sentius, son of Gaius, of the Sabatine tribe.

Titus Ampius Balbus, son of Titus, legate and propraetor, to the magistrates, council, and people of Ephesus, greetings. Lucius Lentulus the consul, at my petition, exempted the Jews in Asia from military service. Afterward I made the same request of Fannius the propraetor and of Lucius Antonius the proquaestor, and I obtained it from them as well; and I wish you to take care that no one troubles them.

Decree of the Delians. In the archonship of Boeotus, the twentieth of the month Thargelion, an official communication from the generals. Marcus Piso, legate residing in our city and placed in charge of levying troops, summoned us and a sufficient number of the citizens and instructed that, if there are any Jews who are Roman citizens, no one is to trouble them concerning military service, since the consul Lucius Cornelius Lentulus exempted the Jews from military service on grounds of religious scruple. We must therefore obey the legate. The people of Sardis passed a similar decree concerning us as well.

Gaius Fannius, son of Gaius, praetor and consul, to the magistrates of Cos, greetings. I wish you...

I want you to know that envoys of the Jews have come to me asking to receive the senate's decrees concerning them. The resolutions are appended below. I want you, then, to see to it and take care of these people according to the senate's decree, so that they may be brought home safely through your territory.

Lucius Lentulus, consul, declares: Roman citizens who are Jews, and who appeared to me to hold and perform Jewish rites at Ephesus, I have released on grounds of religious scruple. This was done twelve days before the Kalends of Quintilis.

Lucius Antonius, son of Marcus, quaestor and propraetor, to the magistrates, council, and people of Sardis, greeting. Jewish citizens of ours came to me and showed that they have had their own assembly from the beginning, governed by their ancestral laws, and their own place, in which they settle both their affairs and their disputes with one another. Since they asked that they be permitted to keep doing this, I decided to allow and grant it.

Marcus Publius, son of Spurius, and Marcus, son of Marcus Publius, of the Lucian tribe, declare: We approached the proconsul Lentulus and informed him about the matters on which Dositheus, son of Cleopatris, of Alexandria, had spoken — that he should, if it seemed good to him, release on grounds of religious scruple those Roman citizens who are Jews and are accustomed to perform Jewish rites. And he did release them, twelve days before the Kalends of Quintilis, in the consulship of Lucius Lentulus and Gaius Marcellus.

Present were Titus Ampius Balbus, son of Titus, of the Horatian tribe, legate; Titus Tongius, of the Crustumina tribe; Quintus Caesius, son of Quintus; Titus Pesius Longinus, son of Titus, of the Cornelian tribe; Gaius Servilius Brocchus, of the Teretina tribe, military tribune; Publius Clusius Gallus, son of Publius, of the Etruria tribe; Gaius Teutius, of the Aemilian tribe, military tribune; Sextus Atilius Serranus, son of Sextus, of the Aemilian tribe; Gaius Pompeius, son of Gaius, of the Sabatina tribe; Titus Ampius Menander, son of Titus; Publius Servilius Strabo, son of Publius; Lucius Paccius Capito, of the Collina tribe, son of Lucius; Aulus Furius Tertius, son of Aulus; Appius Menas.

In the presence of these men Lentulus issued his decree: Roman citizens who are Jews and are accustomed to perform Jewish rites, I have released on grounds of religious scruple, before my tribunal at Ephesus.

The magistrates of Laodicea to Gaius Rabellius, son of Gaius, consul, greeting. Sopater, envoy of Hyrcanus the high priest, delivered to us the letter you sent, in which you informed us that men had come from Hyrcanus, high priest of the Jews, bringing a document concerning their nation, to the effect that they should be allowed to keep the Sabbath and perform their other sacred rites according to their ancestral laws, and that no one should give them orders, since they are our friends and allies, nor should anyone wrong them in our province — since the people of Tralles had objected face to face that they were not pleased with the decisions made concerning them, you ordered that things stand as decreed, and asked that we too write to you about the matter. We, therefore, following your instructions, have received the letter delivered to us and entered it in our public records, and we will see to the other matters you have written about, so that no fault may be found.

Publius Servilius Galba, son of Publius, proconsul, to the magistrates, council, and people of Miletus, greeting. Prytanis, son of Hermas, a citizen of yours, approached me while I was holding court at Tralles and reported that, contrary to our judgment, you were treating the Jews harshly and preventing them from keeping the Sabbath, performing their ancestral rites, and managing their produce as is their custom, and that he himself had, in accordance with the laws, given a ruling on the just decree. I therefore want you to know that, having heard the arguments presented by both sides, I have decided that the Jews are not to be prevented from following their own customs.

Decree of the people of Pergamum. In the prytany of Cratippus, on the first of the month Daisios, on the motion of the magistrates: Since the Romans, following the practice of their ancestors, take upon themselves dangers on behalf of the common safety of all mankind, and are eager to establish their allies and friends in prosperity and lasting peace, and since the nation of the Jews and Hyrcanus their high priest sent envoys to them — Straton son of Theodotus, Apollonius son of Alexander, Aeneas son of Antipater, Aristobulus son of Amyntas, Sosipater son of Philip, men of worth and good standing — and the senate passed decrees concerning the particular matters they laid before it, to the effect that King Antiochus, son of Antiochus, should do no wrong to the Jews, who are allies of the Romans;

and that the forts, harbors, territory, and anything else taken from them should be restored, and that they should be permitted to export from their harbors, and that no king or people, nor Ptolemy alone, king of the Alexandrians, should be exempt from paying dues when exporting from the territory or harbors of the Jews, because he is our ally and friend; and that the garrison at Joppa should be removed, as they had requested — Lucius Pettius, a man of worth and good standing, one of our senators, directed that we should see to it that these things be carried out as the senate decreed, and provide for the safe return home of the envoys. We have also received Theodorus before the council and assembly,

and having taken from him the letter and the senate's decree, and since he spoke at great length and with much earnestness, setting forth Hyrcanus's virtue and greatness of spirit, and how he benefits all in common and each in particular who come to him, we have deposited the documents in our public records, and we, being allies of the Romans, have decreed for ourselves to do everything on behalf of the Jews in accordance with the senate's decree.

Theodorus also asked, when he delivered us the letter, that it be sent by our magistrates to Hyrcanus — a copy of the decree, along with envoys to declare the eagerness of our people and to urge him to preserve and increase his friendship toward us, and to be the cause of some good, since he will receive the fitting recompense, remembering also that even in the time of Abraham, who was the father of all the Hebrews, our ancestors were friends to them, as we also find recorded in our public documents.

Decree of the people of Halicarnassus. In the priesthood of Memnon son of Aristides, and, by another reckoning, of Euonymus, in the month Anthesterion, it was resolved by the people, on the motion of Marcus Alexander: Since we have always held piety and reverence toward the divine in the highest regard, following the practice of the Roman people, who are benefactors of all mankind, and following what they have written concerning the friendship and alliance of the Jews with our city, so that the sacred rites they perform for their God, and their customary festivals and gatherings, may be carried out for them, it has been resolved also by us that those Jewish men and women who wish may keep the Sabbath and perform the sacred rites according to the laws of the Jews,

and hold their prayer meetings by the sea, in accordance with their ancestral custom. And if any magistrate or private person prevents this, he shall be liable to this penalty and shall owe it to the city.

Decree of the people of Sardis. It was resolved by the council and the people, on the motion of the magistrates: Since the Jewish citizens dwelling in our city from the beginning have received many great benefits at all times from the people, and now, coming before the council and the people, have petitioned that, their laws and freedom having been restored to them by the senate and people of Rome, they be allowed, according to their accustomed usages, to assemble, govern themselves, and settle disputes among themselves, and that a place be given to them in which they may gather, together with their wives and children,

and perform their ancestral prayers and sacrifices to God — it has been resolved by the council and the people that permission be granted them to gather on their appointed days and to conduct their affairs according to their own laws, and that a place also be set apart for them by the magistrates, for building and dwelling, whatever place they judge suitable for this purpose; and that the market officials of the city take care to see that provisions suitable for their food are brought in for them.

Decree of the people of Ephesus. In the prytany of Menophilus, in the month Artemisios, on the day before the first, it was resolved by the people, Nicanor son of Euphemus having spoken, on the motion of the magistrates: Since the Jews in the city, petitioning Marcus Julius Brutus, son of Pontius, the proconsul, that they might keep the Sabbath and do everything according to their ancestral customs without anyone hindering them, the proconsul granted this — it has been resolved by the people that, since the matter concerns the Romans, no one shall be prevented from observing the sabbath day, nor shall any penalty be exacted for it, but they are permitted to do everything according to their own laws.

There are, then, many other decrees of this kind made by the senate and the Roman emperors in favor of Hyrcanus and our nation, as well as resolutions and letters of cities in answer to the governors concerning the rights owed to us; and from what we have set down it should be possible for those who read it to believe our account without suspicion of malice.

For since we offer clear and visible proofs of the friendship that came to exist between us and the Romans, displaying them still standing to this day, engraved on bronze pillars and tablets on the Capitol, and to remain there,

I have declined to set down every one of them, as both superfluous and tedious, since I do not consider anyone so churlish as not to trust us also concerning the goodwill of the Romans, seeing that they demonstrated it through so many decrees toward us, and will not suppose that what we claim to be true is untrue, given what we have shown. I have, then, made clear the friendship and alliance with the Romans that came about in those times.

It happened that at the same period affairs in Syria were thrown into turmoil, for this reason: Caecilius Bassus, one of Pompey's partisans, having formed a plot against Sextus Caesar, killed him, and then took over his army himself and held power; a great war then broke out around Apamea, as Caesar's generals came against him with cavalry and infantry.

Antipater sent them an auxiliary force together with his sons, in memory of the benefits he had received from Caesar, and because he thought it right to avenge him and exact justice from his murderer. As the war dragged on, Murcus came from Rome to take over Sextus's province, and Caesar was killed in the senate house by the party of Cassius and Brutus, having held power three years and six months — this has also been related elsewhere.

When the war that followed Caesar's death broke out, and all those in power were scattered here and there gathering armies, Cassius arrived in Syria to take over the forces stationed around Apamea; and lifting the siege there,

he won over both Bassus and Murcus, and marching through the cities gathered arms and soldiers and imposed heavy tribute on them; he especially oppressed Judaea, exacting seven hundred talents of silver. Antipater, seeing affairs in great fear and turmoil, divided the collection of the money and assigned each of his sons to gather part of it,

assigning some to Malichus, who was ill-disposed toward him, and ordering others to collect the rest. Herod was the first to complete the collection, from Galilee, of everything assigned to him, and so became a close friend of Cassius; for it seemed to him prudent already to court the Romans and to build up goodwill from them at others' expense. The stewards of the other cities, together with their households, were sold as slaves, and Cassius then reduced four cities to slavery,

the strongest of which were Gophna and Emmaus, and besides these Lydda and Thamna. Cassius, in his anger, would have gone so far as to kill Malichus too, for he had set out against him, had not Hyrcanus, through Antipater, sent him a hundred talents from his own funds and so restrained his fury. But when Cassius had left Judaea, Malichus plotted against Antipater,

thinking that his death would secure Hyrcanus's rule. But Antipater did not fail to notice his intentions; rather, perceiving them, he withdrew across the Jordan and gathered a force of Arabs together with local troops. Malichus, clever man that he was, denied the plot, defending himself under oath to Antipater and to his sons, and arguing that, with Phasael guarding Jerusalem and Herod in charge of the arms,

he would never have entertained any such scheme, seeing no opportunity for it. He then reconciled with Antipater, and they came to terms while Murcus was governing Syria, who, learning that Malichus was stirring up trouble in Judaea, came close to killing him, but spared him at Antipater's request.

So it turned out that Antipater had spared the very man who would murder him. For Cassius and Murcus, while gathering their army, entrusted the entire administration to Herod and made him governor of Coele-Syria, giving him ships and cavalry and infantry forces, and promising also to proclaim him king of Judaea after the war; for a conflict was then brewing against Antony and the young Caesar. Malichus, now fearing Antipater more than ever, tried to get him out of the way,

and having bribed with money Hyrcanus's cup-bearer, in whose house the two of them used to dine together, he killed the man with poison, and having armed men ready, prepared to seize control of the city. But when Herod and Phasael learned of the plot against their father and were bitterly angered, Malichus again denied it and disclaimed the murder. Antipater, who had been distinguished for piety and justice and his devotion to his country, met his end in this manner.

Of his sons, Herod at once resolved to avenge his father and marched against Malichus with an army. But Phasael, the elder, thought it better to overcome the man by cunning, so that they might not be thought to have started a civil war. He therefore accepted Malichus's defense and pretended to believe that he had done nothing wicked concerning Antipater's death, and even had a monument built for his father.

Herod, arriving in Samaria and finding it in a ruined state, restored it and settled the quarrels among its people. Not long after, when the festival at Jerusalem was at hand, he came to the city with his soldiers, and Malichus, in fear, persuaded Hyrcanus not to allow him to enter. Hyrcanus complied, and the reason put forward for refusing him entry was that the crowd of foreigners ought not to be admitted while the people were engaged in purification.

But Herod, paying little heed to the messengers, entered the city by night and struck fear into Malichus, who nevertheless did not abandon his pretense, but wept for Antipater and openly called on him as a friend, while secretly arranging a bodyguard for himself. It also seemed good to Herod's men not

They decided not to expose Malichus's pretense, but instead to answer his overtures with equal warmth, so as to give him no cause for suspicion. Herod, however, wrote to Cassius about his father's death, and Cassius, who knew Malichus's character well, wrote back ordering him to avenge Antipater. He also sent secret instructions to the military tribunes at Tyre, telling them to cooperate with Herod, who was about to do a just thing. When Cassius had taken Laodicea, the local dignitaries went to him in a body bringing crowns and money, and Herod expected that Malichus would be made to pay for his crime there. But the tribune stationed at Tyre in Phoenicia, suspecting what was afoot, took bolder measures still: since Malichus's son was being held hostage at Tyre, he came into the city determined both to spirit the young man away and to hasten to Judea, once Cassius had set out to join Antony, and there to detach the nation from Herod's control and seize the government for himself.

But fortune worked against these plans, and Herod, who was quick to read the man's intentions, sent a servant ahead under the pretense of preparing a banquet — for he had in fact announced that he would entertain them all — while in truth he was arranging with the tribunes to have Malichus lured outside armed with daggers. They went out, met him near the city on the shore, and stabbed the man to death. Hyrcanus was so stunned by what had happened that he was struck speechless; when at last he recovered himself, he asked Herod's men what exactly had occurred and who had killed Malichus. When they told him that Cassius had ordered it, he approved of the deed, saying that the man had been thoroughly wicked and a schemer against his own country. And so Malichus paid this penalty for his crime against Antipater.

After Cassius left Syria, disturbance broke out in Judea: Helix, who had been left behind at Jerusalem with a force of soldiers, marched against Phasael, and the populace took up arms. Herod had gone to Damascus to see Fabius, the governor there, and though he wanted to rush to his brother's aid, illness held him back, until Phasael, with Herod's help, got the better of Helix, shut him up in a tower, and then released him under truce. Phasael also reproached Hyrcanus, who had received many benefits from them yet was cooperating with their enemies — for Malichus's brother had at that time raised a revolt in a number of places and was holding Masada, the strongest fortress of all. Once Herod had recovered from his illness he marched against this man, stripped him of every stronghold he held, and released him under truce as well.

Meanwhile Ptolemy son of Mennaeus, because of his marriage connection, brought back Antigonus son of Aristobulus, who had raised an army and won over Fabius with bribes. Marion, whom Cassius had left as tyrant of Tyre, also fought alongside him — for this man had carved up Syria into a set of petty tyrannies and held it under guard. Marion also invaded neighboring Galilee and seized three strongholds, which he kept garrisoned. Herod marched against him too, took everything away from him, and released the Tyrian garrison troops with kindness, even giving gifts to some of them, out of his goodwill toward the city. Having accomplished this, he then met Antigonus in battle, defeated him, and drove him out just as he was about to set foot on the borders of Judea. When Herod returned to Jerusalem, Hyrcanus and the people crowned him with garlands.

He had by now, under a formal agreement, become connected by marriage to Hyrcanus's family, which further strengthened his position, since he was to marry Mariamme, daughter of Alexander son of Aristobulus and granddaughter of Hyrcanus — a marriage from which he would become father of three sons and two daughters. Earlier he had also taken a wife from among the common people of his own nation, named Doris, by whom his eldest son Antipater was born.

Antony and Caesar defeated Cassius near Philippi, as has been recorded elsewhere. After the victory Caesar set out for Italy, while Antony departed for Asia. When he reached Bithynia, embassies from every quarter came to meet him; among them were also leading men of the Jews, bringing charges against Phasael and Herod, claiming that Hyrcanus held only the outward show of kingship while these two possessed all the real power. But Antony held Herod in high honor when he came before him to answer the accusers, and as a result the opposing party did not even get a hearing — Herod had arranged this beforehand with money paid to Antony. When Antony reached Ephesus, Hyrcanus the high priest and our nation sent an embassy to him bearing a gold crown and asking him to write to the governors of the provinces ordering the release, as free men and not by right of war, of the Jews taken captive by Cassius, and the restoration of the territory taken from them in Cassius's time. Antony judged the Jews' request just, and wrote at once to Hyrcanus and to the Jews; he also wrote to the Tyrians and sent out an edict containing the following.

"Marcus Antonius, imperator, to Hyrcanus, high priest and ethnarch, and to the nation of the Jews, greetings. If you are well, it is well; I myself am well, along with the army. Lysimachus son of Pausanias, Josephus son of Mennaeus, and Alexander son of Theodorus, ambassadors, met me at Ephesus and renewed the embassy earlier concluded on your behalf at Rome, and have now earnestly conducted the present one on your and the nation's behalf, making plain the goodwill you bear toward us. Being persuaded, both by the facts and by their words, that you stand in closest relation to us, and having recognized your steadfast and pious character, I have come to regard it as a matter close to my own concern that, since those who opposed both us and the Roman people overran the whole of Asia, sparing neither cities nor sanctuaries nor keeping the oaths they had sworn, we — fighting not merely for our own cause but as it were for the common cause of all — took vengeance on those responsible both for the crimes against men and for the offenses against the gods. Because of these things we believe the sun itself turned away in horror, since it too looked with displeasure on the pollution committed against Caesar. But their god-defying plots, which Macedonia harbored as though it were their own native air for unholy daring, and the confusion of their half-mad wickedness which they mustered at Philippi in Macedonia, seizing places naturally strong and walled off by mountains all the way to the sea, so that the passage could be controlled through a single gate — the gods themselves having already condemned them for their unjust undertakings — we overcame. And Brutus, who fled for refuge to Philippi and was shut in by us there, shared in Cassius's destruction. Now that these men have been punished, we hope to enjoy peace for the future, and for Asia to find rest from war. We therefore extend to our allies as well the peace given to us by god; and just as the body of Asia is now recovering from a great sickness through our victory, so, keeping you too in mind, I will take care to promote what is advantageous for your nation. I have also posted edicts in the cities providing that any free persons or slaves sold at spear-point by Gaius Cassius or those serving under him be released, and I wish you to enjoy the privileges granted by me and by Dolabella. I forbid the Tyrians to use force against you, and I order them to restore whatever Jewish property they are holding. The crown you sent I have received. Marcus"

"Antonius, imperator, to the magistrates, council, and people of Tyre, greetings. Since the ambassadors of Hyrcanus the high priest and ethnarch have informed me at Ephesus that you are holding territory of theirs which you entered upon during the ascendancy of those who opposed us — for since we undertook the war for supremacy we have, out of regard for piety and justice, taken vengeance on those who remembered neither favor nor kept their oaths — I wish the peace deriving from you to be extended to our allies as well, and I do not consent that you keep whatever you received from our adversaries, but that these things be restored to those from whom they were taken. For none of those men received provinces or armies by grant of the senate, but seized them by force and bestowed them, likewise by force, on those useful to their wrongdoing. Now that they have paid the penalty, I require that our allies keep unhindered whatever they formerly held, and that you, if you now hold any territories belonging to Hyrcanus the ethnarch of the Jews, seized on the day before Gaius Cassius, waging an unsanctioned war, invaded our province, restore them to him, and that you do them no violence, with the aim of weakening their hold on their own property. But if you have any claim to make against him, when we come to those parts you shall be free to press it, since we preserve for our allies alike the outcome of our judgments in each case. Marcus Antonius, imperator, to the magistrates, council, and people of Tyre, greetings. I have sent you an edict of mine, concerning which I wish you to take care that it be entered in the public records in Roman and Greek letters and displayed in the most conspicuous place, so that it may be read by all."

"Marcus Antonius, imperator, one of the triumvirs for the ordering of public affairs, declares: since Gaius Cassius, on this pretext, plundered a province not his own, held down as it was by his armies, and men who were our allies, and besieged the nation of the Jews, which was a friend of the Roman people, we, having overcome his madness by force of arms, are through edicts and judgments setting right what was plundered by him, so that it be restored to our allies; and whatever Jewish persons or property was sold, let it be released — the persons as free, as they were from the beginning, and the property to its former owners. Whoever does not obey my edict I intend to bring to justice, and if he is convicted I shall see to it that the offender is punished according to the gravity of the matter." He wrote the same thing to the Sidonians, Antiochenes, and Aradians. We have set these documents down here as timely proof of the care we say the Romans took for our nation.

After this, Antony came to Syria, and Cleopatra, meeting him in Cilicia, captivated him through love. And once again the hundred most powerful of the Jews came before him to accuse Herod and his associates, putting forward their ablest speakers to represent them. Messalas spoke in defense of the young men, with Hyrcanus present as well, who was by now Herod's father-in-law. Having listened to both sides at Daphne, Antony asked Hyrcanus which men were better fit to lead the nation. When Hyrcanus answered in favor of Herod and his brother, Antony, who already felt kindly toward them because of the hospitality his father had shown them when he himself had been in the country with Gabinius, appointed both of them tetrarchs and entrusted the affairs of the Jews to them; he also wrote letters and had fifteen of their opponents bound in chains, and when he was about to have them killed as well, Herod's party interceded for them.

Even after returning from this embassy the opposing party did not stay quiet, but again a thousand of them met Antony, who was thought to have gone to Tyre. Antony, already corrupted with much money by Herod and his brother, ordered the local governor to punish the Jewish ambassadors, who were bent on revolution, and to help establish Herod's party in power. Herod acted quickly — for they were encamped on the sand in front of the city — and going out urged them to leave; Hyrcanus was with him too, since he thought great harm would come if they pressed their quarrel further. But they would not be persuaded. At once Romans rushed out with daggers, killed some of them, wounded many more, and the rest fled and kept quiet at home. When the populace cried out against Herod, Antony, provoked, had the men in chains put to death.

In the second year, Pacorus the king's son and Barzapharnes, a Parthian satrap, occupied Syria. Ptolemy son of Mennaeus also died, and his son Lysanias, taking over the rule, arranged a friendship with Antigonus son of Aristobulus, enlisting for this purpose the satrap, who was useful to him and who held great influence with Pacorus. Antigonus promised to give the Parthians a thousand talents and five hundred women if they would take the government from Hyrcanus and hand it over to him, and kill Herod and his associates. He did not, in fact, pay this — but the Parthians nevertheless marched on Judea for this reason, bringing back Antigonus, Pacorus advancing along the coast and Barzapharnes the satrap through the interior. The Tyrians shut Pacorus out, but the Sidonians and people of Ptolemais received him. Pacorus also sent a squadron of cavalry into Judea to reconnoiter the country and assist Antigonus, under a commander who shared the king's name, a cupbearer.

When the Jews around Mount Carmel went over to Antigonus and were ready to join the invasion at once, Antigonus expected to gain a portion of the country called Drymoi; and when some met them in opposition, the men broke through to Jerusalem. As more joined them, a large number banded together, came to the palace, and laid siege to it. Phasael and Herod came to its defense, and in a battle fought in the marketplace the young men defeated the enemy; pursuing them as far as the temple, they sent some armed men to the nearby houses to guard them, but the people rose up against these men, who had been left without support from their allies, and burned them along with the houses. Herod took revenge for this outrage on the opposing faction shortly afterward, engaging them in battle and killing many of them.

As skirmishes went on day after day between them, the enemy waited for the crowds coming in from the countryside for the festival called Pentecost, which was about to arrive. When the day came, many tens of thousands of people, both armed and unarmed, gathered around the temple. Those present held the city and the temple, except for the palace, for this Herod's men guarded with a small force of soldiers. Phasael kept watch over the wall, while Herod, with a company of troops, went out against the enemy near the suburb, and fighting fiercely routed many tens of thousands of them, some fleeing into the city, others into the temple, and others into the outer entrenchment — for there was one there. Phasael also came to his aid.

Pacorus, the Parthian general, at Antigonus's request, came into the city with a small body of cavalry, ostensibly to put an end to the strife, but in truth to help secure the government for Antigonus. Phasael went out to meet him and received him hospitably, and Pacorus persuaded him to go as an envoy to Barzapharnes, weaving this as a piece of treachery. Phasael, suspecting nothing, was persuaded, though Herod did not approve.

Herod did not trust what was happening, because barbarians keep no faith, and he urged that they attack Pacorus and those who had come with him. Hyrcanus and Phasael nevertheless set out as envoys, and Pacorus, leaving two hundred cavalry with Herod along with ten of the so-called Free Parthians, sent the rest ahead. When they reached Galilee under arms, the enemy forces stationed there met them, and Bazaphranes at first

received them warmly and gave them gifts, but afterward began to plot against them. Nearby, on the coast, Phasael's party put in, and there they heard that Antigonus had promised the Parthians a thousand talents and five hundred women in exchange for their help against them; from that point they held the barbarians under suspicion. All the same, someone reported that they were being plotted against by night, guards quietly surrounding them, and they were seized—

or would have been, had they not waited until the Parthians at Jerusalem had captured Herod, for fear that if these men were killed first, he would learn of it and escape. And so things stood, and their guards were already visible. Some urged Phasael to ride off at once and not wait, and Ofellius in particular pressed him to do this, having heard from Saramalla, the richest man in Syria at that time,

who was promising ships for their flight, since the sea was near. But Phasael refused to abandon Hyrcanus or expose his brother to danger. Instead he went to Bazaphranes and told him that he was acting unjustly in plotting such things against them; for he would receive more money from Phasael than Antigonus was offering him, and besides it was monstrous to kill envoys who had come to him under a pledge of good faith,

when they had done no wrong. The barbarian, hearing this, swore that none of what was suspected was true, and that false suspicions had disturbed him, and he went off to Pacorus. Once the Parthian had gone, some men bound Hyrcanus and Phasael, who bitterly reproached the Parthians for their perjury. The eunuch who had been sent for Herod had orders to lure him outside the wall and seize him. But by chance

messengers sent by Phasael to reveal the Parthians' treachery arrived, and when the enemy seized them, Herod, learning of this, went to Pacorus and to the leading Parthians as though they were masters over the others. They, knowing the whole plan, dissembled deceitfully and said that he must go out with them before the wall to meet those bringing the letters, for these had not yet been captured by

the rebels, but were coming to report what success Phasael had achieved. Herod did not believe them, for he had already heard of his brother's capture from others; and when Hyrcanus's daughter, to whose child he was betrothed, also warned him, he grew still more suspicious of the Parthians. The others paid no attention to her, but Herod himself trusted a woman of such good sense completely. While the Parthians were deliberating what to do—for

they did not think it wise to attack so great a man openly, and put it off until the next day—Herod, caught up in such turmoil and giving more weight to what he had heard about his brother and the Parthian plot than to the reassurances of his enemies, decided, once evening came, to make his escape then and not delay, since the dangers from the enemy were unknown. So he set out with the men-at-arms he had,

putting the women on pack animals—his mother, his sister, the daughter of Alexander son of Aristobulus whom he intended to marry, and her mother, who was Hyrcanus's daughter, along with his youngest brother, all his attendants, and the rest of the crowd with them—and made for Idumea, slipping past the enemy unnoticed. There was no one

so hard of nature that, had he been present at these events, he would not have pitied their fortune: women carrying infant children, leaving their homeland in tears and lamentation, and friends left behind in chains with no good outcome expected for them. But Herod, rising above the blow of that disaster, kept up his own spirit against the danger,

and as he went along the road he urged each one to take courage and not surrender himself to grief, for this, he said, would harm them in their flight, in which alone their safety lay. And they tried to bear the calamity as Herod urged. He himself nearly killed himself when the wagon overturned and his mother came near to death,

both from grief over her and from fear that the enemy pursuing them might catch up while they were delayed by the accident. He drew his sword, meaning to run himself through, but those present held him back, overpowering him by their numbers and telling him it was wrong to abandon them to fall into the enemy's hands; for it was not the mark of a noble man,

having freed his friends, to abandon them among their enemies. Forced, then, to give up his attempt, both from shame at their words and from the sheer numbers who would not let him do with his own hand what he had resolved, he recovered his mother, and having seen to the care that the moment required, went on along the road before him, pressing the march more quickly, toward the fortress of Masada. He fought many battles against

the Parthians who sallied out and pursued him, and won every one of them. Even the Jews gave him no safety in his flight; they too attacked him, when he was sixty stadia from the city, falling upon him and coming to blows along the road. These too he routed and defeated, not as one reduced to helplessness and forced by such necessity,

but as one prepared for war in the finest style and with great resources to spare. On that very spot where he defeated the Jews, he later, once he was king, built a fortress after some time and constructed a most notable palace there, naming the town around it Herodium. When he reached a place in Idumea called Thressa, his brother Joseph met him, and they took counsel together about the whole situation, what

to do, since a great crowd had gathered besides the mercenaries, and the fortress of Masada, to which they meant to flee, was too small to receive so great a multitude. So he released most of them, over nine thousand in number, telling them to make their own way to safety through Idumea, each by a different route, and giving them provisions; but those who were fit and could travel light, together with the most necessary people, he took with him and reached the stronghold,

and having settled there the women and those who followed him, about eight hundred in number, since there was grain in the place and water and everything else needed in sufficient supply for them, he himself set out for Petra in Arabia. At daybreak the Parthians plundered everything else in Jerusalem, including the palace, sparing only the money belonging to Hyrcanus,

which came to about three hundred talents. Much of Herod's property escaped them, especially whatever had been sent ahead into Idumea by the man's foresight. Nor did the Parthians stop with the city; they went out and ravaged the countryside as well, and destroyed Marisa, a powerful town. And Antigonus, thus brought back into Judea by the

king of the Parthians, took charge of Hyrcanus and Phasael as prisoners. He was deeply distressed that the women had escaped him, since he had intended to hand them over to the enemy, having promised them as payment along with the money. Fearing Hyrcanus, lest the people restore the kingdom to him, he came up to him—Hyrcanus being kept under Parthian guard—and cut off his ears, contriving that he could never again

hold the high priesthood, since he was now mutilated, and the law required that the honor belong only to men whole in body. As for Phasael, one might well marvel at his courage: knowing he was about to be put to death, he did not regard death itself as terrible, but thought it most bitter and shameful to suffer it at an enemy's hands. With his hands bound and unable to kill himself in the usual way, he dashed his head against a rock, and so brought

his own life to what seemed to him the finest possible end amid such helplessness, and thereby took from his enemy the pleasure of killing him himself. Some say that, since the wound was severe, Antigonus secretly sent physicians who, under pretense of treating him, applied fatal drugs to the wound and so destroyed him. But before he finally gave up his life, Phasael, hearing from some woman that his brother

Herod had escaped the enemy, met his end in very good spirits, leaving behind him a man able to avenge his death and punish his enemies. Herod himself was not overwhelmed by the magnitude of the evils surrounding him, but they made him resourceful in devising bold undertakings. He set out to Malchus, king of the Arabs, who had received many benefits from him before, to collect repayment now, when he needed it most, meaning to obtain money

either as a loan or as a gift, since he had done that man many favors. Not yet knowing what had happened to his brother, he was eager to ransom him from the enemy, and he had already paid out as much as three hundred talents of coin on his account. He also brought with him, for this reason, Phasael's son, then seven years old, whom he offered as a hostage to the Arabs. But messengers met him from Malchus

with orders for him to turn back, saying that the Parthians had commanded Malchus not to receive Herod; this was in fact a pretext for not repaying his debts, urged on him by leading men among the Arabs who wanted to keep for themselves the deposits they had received from Antipater. He replied that he would go to them and give them no trouble, but only wished to discuss with them matters most urgent to him.

Then, having decided to withdraw, he set off quite prudently for Egypt. At first he took shelter in a certain temple, having left many of his followers there, and the next day, arriving at Rhinocorura, he there heard the news about his brother. Malchus, having changed his mind, sent after Herod, but gained nothing by it, for Herod was already far on his way toward Pelusium.

When he arrived there, ships lying at anchor prevented him from sailing on to Alexandria, so he approached their commanders, who, out of respect and great deference, sent him on to the city, where he was received by Cleopatra. She could not persuade him to stay, however, since he was hurrying to Rome, it being winter and affairs in Italy being reported in great turmoil and unrest. Setting sail from there

for Pamphylia, he met with a violent storm and barely made it safely to Rhodes, after losing part of his cargo. There two of his friends met him, Sappinus and Ptolemy. Finding the city damaged by the war against Cassius, though himself not well off, he did not hesitate to help it, but restored it beyond his means. Having had a trireme built, he set sail from there

with his friends for Italy and put in at Brundisium. From there he went on to Rome, where he first told Antony everything that had happened to him in Judea: how his brother Phasael had been seized and killed by the Parthians, how Hyrcanus was held captive by them, how they had set up Antigonus as king on his promise to pay a thousand talents and five hundred women, who were to be drawn from

the leading families and from their own line; and how Antigonus had carried these women off by night and how he himself had escaped the enemy's hands after enduring many hardships. He told, too, how his own household, besieged, were undergoing further danger on his account, and how he had sailed through the storm and scorned every peril, hurrying toward the hopes and the only help that lay with Antony. Antony was moved to pity by the reversal in Herod's fortunes, and,

reasoning as men commonly do about those established in such high position, that they too are subject to fortune, was eager to assist him with what he asked—partly in memory of his hospitality to Antipater, partly because of money that Herod promised to give him if he became king, just as he had promised before, when he was appointed tetrarch, but much more because of his hatred for Antigonus, whom he regarded as a rebel and an enemy of the Romans.

As for Caesar, both because of Antipater's campaigns, in which he had fought alongside Caesar's own father in Egypt, and because of his hospitality and goodwill in all things, and also as a favor to Antony, who was so eager on Herod's behalf, he was all the readier to grant the request and cooperate in what Herod wanted. Messala, and after him Atratinus, brought Herod before the assembled Senate,

set out the benefits his father had conferred on them, and reminded them of Herod's own goodwill toward the Romans, at the same time accusing Antigonus and declaring him an enemy—not only for the offense he had first given them, but because he had taken power from the Parthians, showing contempt for the Romans. When the Senate had been roused to anger by this, Antony came forward and explained to them

that it was also to their advantage, for the war against the Parthians, that Herod should be king. This being resolved, they all voted for it. And this was the greatest mark of Antony's zeal on Herod's behalf: he secured the kingdom for him even though Herod had not expected it—he had not even gone up to Rome to ask for it for himself, since he did not think the Romans would grant it to him, when it was their custom

to give it to members of the royal house, but rather intended to ask that it be given to his wife's brother Alexander, who was grandson to Aristobulus on his father's side and to Hyrcanus on his mother's—but because in the space of just seven days Antony obtained for him what he had not even expected on leaving Italy. This young man, Herod later put to death, as we shall relate at the proper time. When the Senate was dismissed, Antony and Caesar walked out with Herod between them,

with the consuls and the other magistrates leading the way, going to offer sacrifice and to deposit the decree in the Capitol. Antony gave a banquet on the first day of Herod's reign. And thus Herod received the kingdom, having obtained it in the hundred and eighty-fourth Olympiad, when Gnaeus Domitius Calvinus was consul for the second time, together with Gaius

Asinius Pollio. All this time Antigonus was besieging those in Masada, who had everything else they needed but were short only of water; because of this Herod's brother Joseph, together with two hundred of his household, resolved to flee to the Arabs, for he had heard that Malchus regretted the wrongs he had done Herod. But rain, falling through the night, held him back

...God. When the cisterns had filled with water, they no longer needed to flee. Instead, now emboldened, and more confident than the shortage warranted, since they took this abundance to be a provision of God himself, they sallied out and grappled with Antigonus's men, some openly, some by stealth, and destroyed many of them.

At this point Ventidius, the Roman general, was sent from Syria to drive back the Parthians, and after doing so he crossed into Judea, ostensibly to support Joseph, but his whole design was in fact to extract money from Antigonus. Encamping very close to Jerusalem, he squeezed Antigonus for as much silver as he could get. He himself then withdrew with the greater part of his force, but to keep the extortion from becoming obvious he left behind Silo with a detachment of soldiers, whom Antigonus likewise cultivated, so that he would cause no trouble, expecting that the Parthians would again come to his aid.

Herod, meanwhile, had already sailed back from Italy to Ptolemais, and after gathering a considerable force of both foreign mercenaries and his own countrymen, he marched through Galilee against Antigonus. Silo and Ventidius joined him, having been persuaded by Dellius, who had been sent by Antony, to help restore Herod. Ventidius, for his part, was occupied in settling the disturbances the Parthians had caused in the cities, while Silo remained in Judea, corrupted by Antigonus's money. Yet as Herod advanced, his forces grew day by day, and all Galilee, except for a few places, came over to him.

He had set his mind on the men besieged at Masada, for it was urgent to save the relatives shut up in that fortress, but Joppa stood in his way; since it was hostile, he had to reduce it first, so that as he advanced on Jerusalem no stronghold would be left at his back for the enemy. Silo used this as a pretext to withdraw his troops, and when the Jews pursued him, Herod sallied out with a small body of men, routed the Jews, and rescued Silo, who was defending himself badly. Having taken Joppa, he hurried on to relieve his relatives at Masada.

Of the people of the region, some came over to him out of loyalty to his father, others because of his own reputation, others still in return for benefits received from both father and son, but most because of the hopes they now held, seeing in him a king firmly established for the future. A formidable force had thus been gathered, and as he advanced Antigonus occupied the favorable positions along the roads with ambushes and detachments, but accomplished nothing against the enemy from this, or only slight damage. Herod, taking along his relatives from Masada and the fortress of Rhesa, marched on Jerusalem, and the troops that had been with Silo joined him, along with many from the city who were struck by his strength.

When he had encamped on the western side of the city, the guards stationed there shot arrows and javelins at his men, and some even sallied out in bands and came to close quarters with his advance guard. Herod at first ordered a proclamation made around the wall, that he had come for the people's good and the city's safety, bearing no grudge even against his open enemies, but ready to grant amnesty even to his bitterest opponents for their offenses against him.

When Antigonus, in response to Herod's proclamation, spoke to Silo and the Roman army, he said that it would be contrary to their own sense of justice to give the kingdom to Herod, who was a private citizen and an Idumean, that is, a half-Jew, when it was proper to give it to men of the royal line, as was their custom. Even if they were now angry with him and had resolved to strip him of the kingdom he had received from the Parthians, there were still many of his own family who, under the law, would take the kingship, men who had done nothing wrong against Rome, and who, being priests as well, ought not suffer the indignity of being deprived of that honor.

While they were exchanging these words, and the exchange was turning to abuse, Antigonus ordered his own men on the wall to defend themselves, and they, shooting with great spirit, easily drove Herod's men back from the towers.

It was then that Silo revealed his corruption openly: he let a good number of his own soldiers cry out about the shortage of supplies, demand money for food, and clamor to be led off to winter quarters, since the country around the city had been stripped bare by Antigonus's soldiers. He then broke camp and tried to withdraw. But Herod pressed him, urging both the officers under Silo and the soldiers themselves not to abandon him, while Caesar, Antony, and the Senate had likewise pressed Silo to stay, for Herod would see to their supplies and readily provide them with all they lacked in abundance.

Immediately after this appeal Herod set out into the countryside and left Silo no further pretext for withdrawal, for he brought in a quantity of provisions beyond anyone's hope, and he wrote to his connections around Samaria instructing them to bring down grain, wine, oil, cattle, and everything else to Jericho, so that the soldiers would lack nothing for their supply even in the days to come.

This did not escape Antigonus's notice, and he at once sent men into the countryside to intercept and ambush those bringing in the grain. Obeying Antigonus's orders, they gathered a large force of infantry around Jericho and lay in wait on the hills to watch for those carrying the supplies. Herod, however, did not remain idle while this was being done. Taking ten cohorts, five of them Roman, five Jewish, along with mixed mercenaries and a few cavalry, he came to Jericho and found the city abandoned. Five hundred men who had occupied the heights with their wives and children he released after taking them prisoner, while the Romans burst in and plundered the city, finding the houses full of every kind of valuable. Leaving a garrison at Jericho, the king then withdrew and dispersed the Roman army, which was to winter there, into Idumea, Galilee, and Samaria, all of which had already submitted.

Antigonus, in return for his bribe, had also managed to get a portion of Silo's army billeted at Lydda, as a courtesy to Antony. And so the Romans lived in abundance, freed from their weapons. Herod, however, was not inclined to remain at rest, but sent his brother Joseph against Idumea with two thousand infantry and four hundred cavalry, while he himself went to Samaria, and after settling there his mother and relatives, who had by now come out from Masada, he set off for Galilee to reduce certain places held by Antigonus's garrisons.

Passing through Sepphoris while God sent snow, and with Antigonus's garrisons having withdrawn, he found abundant supplies there. From there he next sent a squadron of cavalry and three companies of infantry against some bandits living in caves, intending to put an end to their depredations; these caves were very near a village called Arbela. On the fortieth day he himself arrived with the whole army, and when the enemy boldly came out, the left wing of their line gave way; but Herod himself, appearing with a body of troops, put to flight those who had until then been winning, and turned back those of his own men who were fleeing.

He pressed the pursuit of the enemy as far as the Jordan river, as they fled by various roads, and he brought over all of Galilee except for those living in the caves. He also distributed money, giving each man a hundred and fifty drachmas, and much more to the officers, and sent them off to their winter quarters.

Meanwhile Silo came to him, along with the officers of those in winter quarters, since Antigonus was unwilling to provide their food, he had fed them for no more than a month, and had also sent word to those around to strip the countryside and flee to the mountains, so that the Romans, having nothing, might perish of famine. Herod entrusted the care of this matter to Pheroras, the youngest of his brothers, ordering him at the same time to fortify Alexandreion as well. Pheroras quickly supplied the soldiers with an abundance of necessities and rebuilt Alexandreion, which had been left in ruins.

At this same time Antony was staying in Athens, while in Syria Ventidius, summoning Silo against the Parthians, wrote instructing him first to assist Herod in the war, and then to call the allies to his own side. Silo, however, eager to move against the bandits in the caves, sent Silo on to Ventidius and set out himself against them.

The caves were in mountains that broke off sheer, with paths in the middle that were precipitous, and hemmed in by sharp cliffs; in these the bandits lurked with all their families. The king had chests built for use against them, and lowered these on iron chains by machine from the mountaintop, since the men could neither climb up from below because of the steepness of the mountain, nor crawl down to them from above. The chests were full of armed men carrying large hooks, with which they meant to drag out and kill any bandits who resisted as they were lowered. Lowering the chests, however, proved a hazardous business, since it took place over an unfathomable depth; yet the men inside had provisions with them as well.

When the chests had been let down, no one dared approach the men at the mouths of the caves, and all held back in fear, until one armed man, girding on his sword and gripping the chain from which the chest hung with both hands, went down to the mouths of the caves, indignant at the hesitation of those who did not dare go out against the enemy.

Coming level with one mouth, he first drove back with javelins most of those at the entrance, then, hooking those who resisted with his grapple, thrust them down over the cliff; then, going in upon those inside, he cut down many of them, and going into the chest himself, he took his rest. Fear seized the rest at hearing the wailing, and despair of their safety, but the whole action was in fact halted by those who had come out against them; and many, with the king's consent, sent heralds and surrendered themselves to be his subjects.

They used the same method against the caves on the following day, since those in the wooden structures pressed out against them even more, fighting at the entrances and hurling fire in. When the caves caught fire, for there was much timber inside them, an old man, trapped within with seven children and his wife, when they begged him to let them go out to the enemy, stood at the mouth of the cave and cut down each of his sons in turn as he came out first, until he had killed them all, and then his wife as well; and hurling the bodies down over the cliff, he threw himself down after them, choosing death over slavery.

But first he heaped much reproach on Herod for his lowly birth, even though the king, for the events were visible to him from a distance, was holding out his right hand and offering complete safety. With this, all the caves had by now been subdued.

Having appointed Ptolemy general over the region, the king went off to Samaria with six hundred cavalry and three thousand infantry, intending to settle matters with Antigonus by battle. Things did not go well for Ptolemy in his command, however; those who had earlier stirred up trouble in Galilee attacked and killed him, and having done this fled into the marshes and the impassable parts of the country, driving off and plundering everything there.

Herod punished them on his return: some of the rebels he put to death, and others who had fled to strongholds he reduced by siege, killing them and razing their forts. Having thus ended the unrest, he also fined the cities a hundred talents.

In the meantime, since Pacorus had fallen in battle and the Parthians had suffered a reverse, Ventidius, urged on by Antony, sent Machaeras to Herod's aid with two legions and a thousand cavalry. Machaeras, however, having been bribed by Antigonus, went off against Herod's judgment, ostensibly to reconnoiter his affairs, when Antigonus summoned him. But Antigonus, suspecting his purpose in coming, would not even receive him, but drove him off with slingers, thereby making his own intentions clear.

When Machaeras realized that Herod had been advising him for the best, and that he himself had gone wrong in disregarding Herod's counsel, he withdrew to the city of Ammaus, and any Jews he met along the road he slaughtered, whether enemies or friends, out of anger at what he had suffered.

Provoked by this, the king went to Samaria, for he had resolved to go to Antony about these matters, since he needed no such allies as would harm him more than the enemy; he was sufficient by himself for the overthrow of Antigonus. Machaeras, following after him, begged him to stay; but if he was so set on going, at least to leave his brother Joseph behind to join them in fighting Antigonus.

He was won over after much pleading from Machaeras, and leaving Joseph there with an army, he counseled him not to take any risks nor to quarrel with Machaeras. He himself hastened to Antony, who happened to be besieging Samosata, the place on the Euphrates, with cavalry and infantry present to support him as allies. Arriving at Antioch and finding many men gathered there eager to march to Antony but afraid to set out because the barbarians attacked along the roads and killed many, he encouraged them and himself became leader of the march.

At the second stage from Samosata, some of the barbarians lay in ambush there for those on their way to Antony; since thickets blocked the entrances into the plains, a good number of their cavalry lay concealed there, waiting until those passing through should come out onto open ground fit for horsemen. When the first men had passed through, Herod brought up the rear, and those from the ambush, about five hundred in number, suddenly fell upon them; but when the first ranks had been routed, the king charged in with the momentum of his own men, at once checked the enemy, roused the spirit of his own troops, and made them bold again,

and as those who had long been fleeing turned and fought once more, the barbarians were cut down on every side. The king pressed on, recovering the plunder, there was much baggage and many captives, and having recovered it all, advanced. When still more of those in the thickets attacked them, being close to the point where the road opened onto the plain, he engaged these as well with a strong body of men, routed them, and killed many of them

Killing them, he opened a safe road for those who followed him, and they called him their savior and protector. When he came near Samosata, Antony sent his army out to meet him, doing Herod this honor with all due ceremony and also to give him support, for he had heard of the barbarians' attack on him. Antony was glad to see him arrive, and when he learned what had happened to him on the road he welcomed him warmly and admired his courage; he embraced him and, having just proclaimed him king, greeted him with new distinction.

Not long afterward Antiochus surrendered his fortress, and the war there came to an end. Antony handed the command to Sossius, and, instructing him to fight alongside Herod, himself set out for Egypt. Sossius sent ahead two legions to reinforce Herod in Judea, while he himself followed with the greater part of the army.

Meanwhile in Judea Joseph had already died, in the following manner. He had forgotten the instructions his brother had given him on leaving for Antony, and while he was encamped in the hills — Machaeras had given him five cohorts — he pressed on toward Jericho, wanting to harvest their grain. The Roman troops were newly levied and inexperienced in war, for most of the contingent had been drawn from Syria. When the enemy attacked him there, he was caught in difficult ground and died fighting bravely, losing his whole force; six cohorts were destroyed. Antigonus, having gotten possession of the dead, cut off Joseph's head, though his brother Pheroras offered fifty talents to redeem it. After this the Galileans revolted and drowned in the lake the leading men among them who favored Herod's cause, and much of Judea was thrown into upheaval. Machaeras fortified a place called Hetton.

Messengers came to the king with news of these events, and at Daphne, near Antioch, they told him of his brother's fate — though he had already been expecting it, for certain dream-visions had clearly foretold his brother's death. He hurried his march, and when he reached Mount Lebanon he took on eight hundred men from the local people, and, having also one Roman legion, arrived at Ptolemais; from there he set out by night with his army and advanced through Galilee.

The enemy met him and, defeated in battle, were shut up in the stronghold from which they had set out the day before. From there he began assaults at daybreak, but when a heavy storm broke and he could do nothing, he withdrew his troops to the nearby villages. When a second legion arrived from Antony, the men holding the stronghold took fright and abandoned it by night. The king then hastened to Jericho, intending to take vengeance on them for his brother's sake.

When he had made camp there, he gave a banquet for the men in office, and after the gathering broke up he withdrew to his bedroom, having dismissed those present. There one could see the favor God showed the king: the roof of the room collapsed, but it killed no one it might have caught, so that everyone believed Herod was beloved of God, having escaped so great and extraordinary a danger.

The next day six thousand of the enemy came down from the mountain heights to give battle and struck fear into the Romans. The light-armed troops advanced, hurling javelins and stones at the king's men as they came out, and someone struck the king himself with a javelin near his side.

Antigonus sent a general named Pappus with a large force against Samaria, wishing to give the impression to the enemy that he was fighting from a position of strength. But Pappus took up a position opposite the general Machaeras, while Herod, after capturing five towns, killed about two thousand men caught inside and burned the towns themselves, then turned back against Pappus. Pappus had encamped near a village called Isanae, and many had flocked to him from Jericho and the rest of Judea. When Herod drew near, the enemy came out against him rashly; he engaged them and won the battle, and, avenging his brother, pursued them as they fled into the village, killing as he went.

The houses were packed with armed men, and some fled up onto the roofs; he overcame these too, and, tearing open the roofs of the houses, saw the rooms below crammed full of soldiers huddled together. His men hurled stones down on them from above and killed them in heaps, one upon another — the most terrible sight of that whole war, the countless dead lying one on another within the walls.

This action above all broke the enemy's spirit as they waited to see what would happen next, for they could see the great numbers who had gathered near the village fleeing. Had a deep storm not held it back, the king's army, emboldened by its victory, would have reached Jerusalem itself and finished the whole business — indeed Antigonus was already considering complete flight and abandoning the city. But as it was late, the king ordered his soldiers to take their meal, while he himself, exhausted, went into a room to bathe.

There too the greatest danger befell him, from which he escaped by God's providence: while he was naked, bathing with only one attendant boy, in the inner room, some of the enemy, armed, had fled there in fear; and in the midst of his bathing the first of them slipped out holding a bare sword and went through the doors, and after him a second and a third, likewise armed, doing the king no harm out of sheer shock, content only to escape unharmed themselves.

The next day he cut off Pappus's head — for he had been killed — and sent it to Pheroras as payment for what his brother had suffered, since Pappus had been the very one who killed him. When the storm ended, he broke camp and came near Jerusalem, encamping close to the city; this was now the third year since he had been proclaimed king at Rome. He shifted his camp and, coming near the wall at its most vulnerable point, encamped before the Temple, intending to assault it there, just as Pompey once had before him.

Dividing the ground with three earthworks, he raised towers, employing a great workforce for the task and cutting down the surrounding timber. Having set suitable men in charge of the works, while the army was still encamped there he himself went off to Samaria for his wedding, to marry the daughter of Alexander son of Aristobulus, to whom he had been betrothed, as I have said before.

After the wedding Sossius came through Phoenicia, having sent his forces ahead through the interior, and the army arrived as well, a great number of horse and foot; the king too came from Samaria bringing no small force in addition to his earlier army — together they numbered about thirty thousand. All of them gathered before the wall of Jerusalem and took up position by the north wall of the city: the army consisted of eleven legions of infantry, six thousand cavalry, and other auxiliaries from Syria, under two commanders — Sossius, sent by Antony as an ally, and Herod on his own behalf, since the Senate had stripped Antigonus of power, declared him an enemy, and made Herod king in his place by decree of the Senate.

With great eagerness and rivalry, since the whole multitude had assembled together, the Jews fought against Herod's forces, shut in as they were within the wall. They kept proclaiming many things about the Temple and many words meant to encourage the people, insisting that God would rescue them from their dangers. They removed everything outside the city, so that nothing that could serve as food would be left for men or beasts, and by secretly resorting to brigandage they created great scarcity.

When Herod noticed this, he set ambushes against the raiders at the most strategic points, and, to secure supplies, sent detachments of soldiers far off to bring in provisions, so that in a short time abundance of necessities was restored. The three earthworks rose steadily, since a large workforce was employed and progress was easy: it was summer, and nothing hindered the work, neither weather nor the laborers. They brought up siege engines and began to batter the wall, trying every kind of assault.

Yet they did not overawe those inside; the defenders devised no few countermeasures of their own against what was being done to them, sallying out to burn the half-finished works as well as those already completed. When it came to hand-to-hand fighting, they proved no less bold than the Romans, though inferior in skill. Against the siege engines they built counter-walls as the first structures were demolished, met the besiegers underground in mining operations, and fought on, driven more by desperation than foresight, clinging to the war to the very end — even though a great army surrounded them and they were worn down by hunger and lack of provisions, for it happened to be a sabbatical year.

Twenty picked men were the first to climb onto the wall, followed by Sossius's centurions; the first wall was taken after forty days, the second after fifteen. Some of the porticoes around the Temple were burned — Herod accused Antigonus of setting the fire, seeking thereby to earn himself hatred from the Jews. Once the outer Temple and the lower city had been taken, the Jews fled into the inner Temple and the upper city.

Fearing that the Romans would prevent them from carrying out their daily sacrifices to God, they sent envoys asking to be allowed only to bring in animals for sacrifice. Herod granted this, expecting that they would thereby give in; but when he saw that nothing of what he had hoped for was happening, and that they were holding out firmly for Antigonus's kingship, he pressed the attack with full force and took the city.

At once everything was filled with slaughter, the Romans enraged at the length of the siege, and Herod's Jewish forces determined to leave none of their rivals alive. Vast numbers were butchered, crowded together in the alleys and in the houses, and taking refuge in the Temple itself; there was no pity for infants, none for old age, none sparing for the weakness of women — though the king sent word around urging restraint, no one held his hand, but as if possessed they cut down every age alike.

At this point Antigonus, giving no thought to either his former or his present fortune, came down from the fortress and fell at Sossius's feet; Sossius, feeling no pity for his change of fortune, laughed at him without restraint and called him "Antigone," yet did not release him free from guard as one would a woman, but kept him bound and under watch.

Once he had mastered the enemy, Herod took care also to master his foreign allies, for the mass of foreign troops was eager to view the Temple and the holy things within the sanctuary. The king restrained them, some by persuasion, some by threats, and some even by force of arms, judging that such a victory would be worse than a defeat if any of the things forbidden to be seen were seen by them. He also put a stop to the plundering of the city, protesting strongly to Sossius, asking whether, after the Romans had stripped the city of money and men, they meant to leave him king of a desert — and whether, given so great a slaughter of citizens, he reckoned even mastery of the whole world too small a price.

When Sossius replied that it was only just to allow the soldiers plunder in place of the hardships of the siege, Herod said he himself would pay each man his reward out of his own funds. Thus, having in effect bought back the rest of the city, he made good his promises: he rewarded each soldier handsomely, the officers in proportion, and Sossius himself most royally of all, so that all went away well provided with money.

This calamity befell the city of Jerusalem when Marcus Agrippa and Canidius Gallus were consuls at Rome, in the hundred and eighty-fifth Olympiad, in the third month, on the feast of the fast — as if by a cyclical repetition of the disaster that had befallen the Jews under Pompey, for they had been taken by him on that very same day, twenty-seven years before.

Sossius dedicated a golden crown to God and then withdrew from Jerusalem, taking Antigonus in chains to Antony. Herod, fearing that if Antigonus were kept under guard by Antony and brought to Rome he might plead his case before the Senate — showing that he himself was of royal descent and Herod a commoner, and that his sons ought by birthright to reign, even if he himself had offended against the Romans — fearing all this, persuaded Antony with a large sum of money to put Antigonus to death.

Once this was done, Herod was freed of his fear, and so the rule of the house of Asamonaeus came to an end, after one hundred and twenty-six years. It had been an illustrious and distinguished house, both for its lineage and for the honor of the priesthood, and for what its founders had achieved on the nation's behalf; but these men lost their rule through their strife against one another, and it passed to Herod son of Antipater, of a commoner's house and private origin, a family that had been subject to kings. And this, as we have received it, was the end of the Asamonaean line.

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